Adolf Hitler Quotes

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Adolf Hitler, 1920s

This article provide a list of Adolf Hitler quotes from the book Mein Kampf and his public speeches between 1932-1945.

Adolf Hitler was a German artist, soldier and politician, who became Chancellor of Germany in 1933, and Reichspräsident (unofficially the Führer) from 1934 to 1945. He led the National Socialist German Workers Party and National Socialist Germany.

Quotes

1924 (Mein Kampf)

The Jews were responsible for bringing Negroes into the Rhineland, with the ultimate idea of bastardizing the white race which they hate, and thus lowering its cultural and political level so that the Jew might dominate. As long as a people remains racially pure and race-conscious, it can never be overcome by the Jew. Never in this world can the Jew become master of any people except a bastardised people.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
When the Zionists try to make the rest of the world believe that the new national consciousness of the Jews will be satisfied by the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine, the Jews thereby adopt another means to dupe the simple-minded gentile. They have not the slightest intention of building up a Jewish State in Palestine so as to live in it. What they are really aiming at is to establish a central organisation for their international swindling and cheating. As a sovereign State, this cannot, be controlled by any of the other States. Therefore, it can serve as a refuge for swindlers who have been found out, and at the same time, a high school for the training of other swindlers.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
The Jew himself is the best example of the kind of product which this religious training evolves. His life is of this world only’ and his mentality is as foreign to the true spirit of Christianity, as his character was foreign to the great Founder of this new creed two thousand years ago. The Founder of Christianity made no secret of His estimation of the Jewish people; when He found it necessary, He drove those enemies of the human race out of the Temple of God, because then, as always, they used religion as a means of advancing their commercial interests. At that time Christ was nailed to the Cross for his attitude towards the Jews, whereas our modern Christians enter into party politics and when elections are being held they debase themselves to beg for Jewish votes. They even enter into poitical intrigues with the atheistic Jewish parties against the interests of their own Christian nation.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
For many people the name of Vienna signifies innocent jollity, a festive place for happy mortals. For me, alas, it is a living memory of the saddest period of my life. Even to-day, the mention of that city arouses only gloomy thoughts in my mind. The very name of that Phaeacian town spells five years of poverty—five years in which, first as a casual labourer and then as a poor painter, I had to earn my daily bread, and a meagre morsel indeed it was, not even sufficient to still the hunger which I constantly felt.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
He who does not wish to fight in this world, where permanent struggle is the law of life, has not the right to exist.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
Every manifestation of human culture, every product of art, science and technical skill, which we see before our eyes to-day, is almost, exclusively the product of the Aryan creative power. All that we admire in the world to-day, its science and its art, its technical developments and discoveries, are the products of the creative activities of a few peoples, and it may be true that their first beginnings must be attributed to one race. The existence of civilisation is wholly dependent on such peoples. Should they perish, all that makes this earth beautiful will descend with them into the grave.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
The spirit of nationalism and a feeling for social justice must be fused into one sentiment in the hearts of the youth. Then a day will come when a nation of citizens will arise which will be welded together through a common love and a common pride that shall be invincible and indestructible for ever.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
German-Austria must be restored to the great German Fatherland, and not on economic grounds. Even if the union were a matter of economic indifference, and even if it were to be disadvantageous from the economic standpoint, it still ought to take place. People of the same blood should be in the same Reich.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
There were very few Jews in Linz. In the course of centuries the Jews who lived there had become Europeanized and so civilised in appearance that I even looked upon them as Germans. The reason why I did not then perceive the absurdity of such an illusion was that the only thing which I recognised as distinguishing them from us was the practice of their strange religion.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
Not only because she is constantly increasing the strength of her army by recruiting coloured troops from the population of her gigantic empire, but also because, from the racial point of view, she is rapidly becoming Negroid to such an extent that we can actually speak of the formation of an African state on European soil. The contemporary colonial policy of France cannot be compared with that of Germany in the past. If France develops along the lines it has taken in our day, and should that development continue for the next three hundred years, all traces of French blood will finally be lost in the formation of a EuroAfrican mulatto state.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
If a government uses the instruments of power in its hands for the purpose of leading a people to ruin, then rebellion is not only the right, but also the duty, of every individual citizen.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
Fate answered the question for me inasmuch as it led me to make a detached and exhaustive inquiry into the Marxist teaching and the activities of the Jewish people in connection with it. The Jewish doctrine of Marxism repudiates the aristocratic principle of Nature and substitutes for the eternal right of might and strength, the dead weight of sheer numbers. Thus it denies the individual worth of the human personality, disputes the teaching that nationality and race are of primary significance, and by doing this deprives Man of the very foundations of his existence and civilisation. If the Marxist teaching were to be accepted as the foundation of the life of the universe, it would lead to the disappearance of all order that is conceivable to the human mind, and thus the adoption of such a law would provoke chaos in the structure of the greatest organism that we know, with the result that the inhabitants of this earthly planet would finally disappear. [...] I believe to-day that my conduct is in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator. In resisting the Jew I am defending the handiwork of the Lord.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition
Out of one hundred thousand German workers scarcely one hundred know Marx’s book. It has been studied much more in intellectual circles and especially by the Jews than by the genuine followers of the movement who come from the lower classes. That work was not written for the masses, but exclusively for the intellects behind the Jewish machine for conquering the world.
—Mein Kampf: The Stalag Edition

1932

No one talks about the tens of thousands of people who asphyxiate themselves each year out of despair.
—Lustgarten in Berlin, 4 April 1932
They can suppress us for all I care, even kill us, but we will not capitulate!
—Lustgarten in Berlin, 4 April 1932
Thirteen years ago with seven men I began this task of unifying Germany, and today more than 13 million have joined our ranks! But it is not their number which matters; what matters is the kind of person they are! Thirteen million people from all walks of life, thirteen million workers, farmers and intellectuals, thirteen million Catholics and Protestants from all the German regions and tribes have formed an inseparable alliance. And thirteen million Germans have recognized that the future of each of them lies only in the collective struggle and collective success of all of them. [...] Thirteen years ago we National Socialists were laughed at and scorned. Today our opponents are laughing on the other side of their faces! A community of believers has come into being which will slowly overcome the absurd prejudices about class and social status. A community of believers who are determined to take up the struggle to preserve our race, not because they are from Bavaria or Prussia, or Württemberg or Saxony, not because they are Catholics or Protestants, workers or civil servants, middle class citizens or salaried employees and so forth, but because they are all Germans.
—Radio Broadcast, July 1932
For fourteen long years these parties have raped German freedom. They have gagged and beaten the German people. Before two or three months have passed this terror will be eliminated if you vote for National Socialists!
—Waldenburg, Germany, 22 July 1932

1933

The National Government will therefore regard it as its first and supreme task to restore to the German people unity of mind and will. It will preserve and defend the foundations on which the strength of our nation rests. It will take under its firm protection Christianity as the basis of our morality, and the family as the nucleus of our nation and our state. Standing above estates [groups that make up society’s social hierarchy] and classes, it will bring back to our people the consciousness of its racial and political unity and the obligations arising therefrom. It wishes to base the education of German youth on respect for our great past and pride in our old traditions... Germany must not and will not sink into Communist anarchy.
—Berlin, 1 February 1933
And even if millions might curse us today and call for our blood, the hour will come in which they will march with us after all, having recognized that we really wanted nothing but the best for our people. And had no other goal in sight than serving, what is to us, the most precious thing on this earth. For I cannot divest myself of my faith in my nation. Cannot disassociate myself from the convictions that this nation will one day rise again.
—Sportpalast in Berlin, 10 February 1933
German Volk, give us four years’ time and then pass judgment upon us. German Volk, give us four years, and I swear to you, just as we, just as I have taken this office, so shall I leave it. I have done it neither for salary nor for wages; I have done it for your sake!
—Sportpalast in Berlin, 10 February 1933
The Government’s concern lies in an honest coexistence between Church and State; the fight against a materialist worldview and for a genuine Volksgemeinschaft equally serves both the interests of the German nation and the welfare of our Christian faith.
—Berlin, 23 March 1933
Here all action shall be governed by one law: the Volk does not live for the economy, and the economy does not exist for capital, but capital serves the economy and the economy serves the Volk!
—Berlin, 23 March 1933
May Heaven be our witness. The debt of our people has been paid! The injustices have been avenged! The shame has been removed! The Men of November have fallen and their power is broken!
—Nuremberg, 3 September 1933
For the last eight months we have been engaged in a heroic struggle against the Communist threat to our nation, against the subversion of our culture, the destruction of our art and the corruption of our public morality. We have put an end to atheism and blasphemy. We humbly thank Providence for granting us success in our struggle to alleviate the distress of the unemployed and to save the German farmer. In just under eight months, in the course of a program which we calculated would require four years, more than two and a quarter million of the six million unemployed have been returned to useful production.
—Radio Broadcast, 14 October 1933
The struggle between the people and the hatred amongst them is being nurtured by very specific interested parties. It is a small, rootless, international clique that is turning the people against each other, that does not want them to have peace. It is the people who are at home both nowhere and everywhere, who do not have anywhere a soil on which they have grown up, but who live in Berlin today, in Brussels tomorrow, Paris the day after that, and then again in Prague or Vienna or London, and who feel at home everywhere. [Man in audience shouts 'Jews!'] They are the only ones who can be addressed as international elements, because they conduct their business everywhere, but the people cannot follow them. The people are bounded to their soil, bounded to its fatherland, bounded to the possibilities of life that the state, the nation, offers.
—Siemens factory in Berlin, 10 November 1933
Perhaps some of you here are unable to forgive me because I eradicated the Marxist Party. But my friends: I also eradicated all the other parties!
—Siemens factory in Berlin, 10 November 1933
You will now have to face the world with me, and behind me, and solemnly declare: We want nothing but peace! We want nothing but to be left alone! We want nothing but to concentrate on our own duties and responsibilities. What we want is to be judged equally, and we won't let anyone take our honor from us!
—Siemens factory in Berlin, 10 November 1933

1934

However, the end of May brought even more alarming facts to light. Chief of Staff Röhm began to depart, not only inwardly, but with his entire outward behavior, from the Party. All of the principles with which we had become great lost their validity. The life which the Chief of Staff-and with him, a certain circle of others-began to lead was intolerable from any National Socialist point of view. As if it were not terrible enough that he himself and his circle of devotees broke every single law of decency and modesty, still worse, this poison now began to spread in ever increasing circles. But worst of all was the fact that, out of a certain common predisposition, a sect gradually began to form in the SA which made up the nucleus of a conspiracy directed not only against the normal conceptions of a healthy Volk but against the security of the State as well. [...] It would never have been objectively or humanly possible for me to have given my consent to a personnel change in the Reich Ministry of Defense and to have appointed Chief of Staff Röhm to the vacant post. First of all, for objective reasons: For fourteen years, I have consistently upheld that the fighting organizations of the Party are political organizations which have nothing to do with the Army. In my eyes, it would constitute a disavowal of my view and my policies of fourteen years to appoint the leader of the SA to head the Army.
—Berlin, 13 July 1934

1935

Today women’s battalions were being formed in Marxist countries, and to that one could only reply, “That will never happen here! There are things a man does, and he alone is responsible for them. I would be ashamed to be a German man if ever, in the event of war, but a single woman were made to go to the front.” The woman had her own battlefield. With every child to which she gave birth for the nation, she was waging her battle for the nation. The man stands up for the Volk just as woman stands up for the family. A woman’s equal rights lie in the fact that she is treated with the high regard she deserves in those areas of life assigned to her by nature.
—Nuremberg, 13 September 1935
When I will breathe my last breath is something I do not know. But that the Party will live on is something I do know, and that it will successfully shape the future of the German nation beyond any individuals, whether they be weak or strong, is something I believe and something I know!
—Nuremberg, 16 September 1935
What we want of our German youth is different to what was wanted in the past. In our eyes the German youth of the future must be slim and trim, swift as a greyhound, tough as leather and hard as Krupp steel. We have to educate a new type of person so that our People are not destroyed by the symptoms of the degeneration of our time.
—Nuremberg, 21 September 1935

1936

If I have a female lawyer in front of me these days and it doesn't matter how much she has achieved, and next to her is a mother of five, six, seven children and they are in great health and well-educated by her, then I want to say: from the eternal point of view of the eternal value of our people the woman - who is able to have children and has children and raised them and thereby gave our people the further ability to live in the future - has achieved more. She has done more. She assists us to avoid the death of our people.
—September 1936
Here there is building going on! Here there is comradeship! And here above all is the faith in a better humanity and hence in a better future! What a difference from another country in which Marxism is attempting to gain power. There the cities are in flames, there the villages are being reduced to rubble, there a man no longer knows whom he can trust. Class is fighting against class, rank against rank, brothers are destroying brothers. We have chosen the other path: instead of tearing you apart, I have joined you together.
—10 September 1936
Our social welfare system is so much more than just charity. Because we do not say to the rich people "Please, give something to the poor." Instead we say: "German people, help yourself!" Everyone must help, whether you are rich or poor. Everyone must think that there is always someone in a much worse situation and I must help them as a national comrade.
—Winter 1936/1937

1937

The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. If other nations want to be on good terms with this peril, that does not affect Germany's position. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: (1) We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration. (2) We use every means in our power to keep this peril away from our people. (3) And we are trying to make the German people immune to this peril as far as possible.
—Berlin, 30 January 1937
When someone says, ‘You’re a dreamer’, I can only answer ‘You idiot…. If I weren’t a dreamer, where would we be today? I’ve always believed in Germany. You said I was a dreamer. I’ve always believed in the rise of the Reich. You said I was a fool. I’ve always believed in our return to power. You said I was mad. I’ve always believed in an end to poverty! You said that was utopian! Who was right? You or me?! I was right!’
—1937

1938

I am speaking on behalf of millions of people in this magnificent German Land, on behalf of those in Styria, in Upper and Lower Austria, in Carinthia, in Salzburg, in Tirol, and above all on behalf of the city of Vienna, when I assure the sixty-eight million other German Volksgenossen in our vast Reich listening this very minute: this Land is German; it has understood its mission, it will fulfill this mission, and it shall never be outdone by anyone as far as loyalty to the great German Volksgemeinschaft is concerned. It will now be our task to devote our labor, diligence, shared dedication, and joint strength to solving the great social, cultural and economic problems; yet first and foremost to make Austria ever grow and expand to become a fortress of National Socialist willpower. [...] As the Führer and Chancellor of the German nation and the Reich, I now report to history that my homeland has joined the German Reich.
—Vienna, 15 March 1938
Hence the National Socialist Movement will not tolerate subversion by occult mystics in search of an afterlife. They are not National Socialists but something different, and in any event, they represent something that has nothing to do with us. At the heart of our program you will not find any mysterious presentiments, rather you will find succinct realization and hence open avowal. Since we place the sustenance and securing of a creature created by God at the center of this realization and avowal, we sustain God’s creation, and it is in this manner that we serve this will. We do not do so at a new cult site bathed in mysterious twilight, but rather, in the open, for the Lord to see.
—Nuremberg, 6 September 1938

1939

The National Socialist State has not closed even one single church, neither prevented church services nor infringed on the conduct of Mass. [...] However, the National Socialist State will relentlessly deal with those priests who, instead of serving the Lord, see their mission in propagating derisive comments on our present Reich, its institutions, or its leading men. It will bring to their attention the fact that the destruction of this State will not be tolerated. [...] The motivation behind certain statesmen in the democracies abroad taking such a vigorous interest in a few German priests is obviously political. [...] May they note the following on this topic: we shall protect the German priest as a servant of the Lord, but we shall destroy the priest who is a political foe of the German Reich.
—German Reichstag, Berlin, 30 January 1939
If Europe today is plagued by strenuous tensions, then this is due primarily to agitation in an unaccountable and irresponsible press. It allows not a single day to pass by without spreading disquiet among mankind by propagating false alarms, as ludicrous as they are libelous. The liberties taken in this context by the various organs of this worldwide poisoning of wells can be regarded only as criminal wrong-doing. In recent days, there has been an attempt to place radio journalism at the service of this internationally instigated campaign. I wish to pronounce this warning here: if certain countries do not immediately desist from airing broadcasts targeted at Germany, then we shall respond accordingly. And then I hope statesmen from these countries will not venture to approach me with the sincere desire to restore normal relations between our states. For I remain convinced that our educational campaign will be far more effective than the campaign of lies instigated by these international Jewish agitators. And the announcement of American film companies of their intention to produce anti-Nazi-i.e. anti-German-films, will only lead to our German producers creating anti-Semitic films in the future. And in this instance, too, certain elements would do well not to deceive themselves as to the effect: a multitude of states and peoples exist today who would be most receptive to such an educational campaign expanding their comprehension of this important issue. I believe that, should we succeed in arresting the activities of the Jewish international press agitators and their propaganda, then a reconciliation between peoples would be speedily attained. These elements alone persistently place their hopes on war. I, however, believe in a long-lasting peace.
—German Reichstag, Berlin, 30 January 1939
It is the Germany of social welfare, of social equality, of the elimination of class differences-this is what they hate! They hate this Germany which in the course of seven years has labored to afford its Volksgenossen a decent life. They hate this Germany which has eliminated unemployment, which, in spite of all their wealth, they have not been able to eliminate. This Germany which grants its laborers decent housing-this is what they hate because they have a feeling their own peoples could be “infected” thereby. [...] It is their big money men, their Jewish and non-Jewish international banking barons, who hate us because they see in Germany a bad example potentially rousing other peoples, especially their own people. They hate this Germany with its young, healthy, blossoming new generation, the Germany which takes such care of the well-being of this generation.
—Munich, 8 November 1939

1940

To secure our own Lebensraum. And this Lebensraum encompasses, in my understanding, all that was cultivated, civilized, and economically developed by us Germans, and not by the English. There are several of these areas. At least in Central Europe, the inspiring influence of Great Britain has not yet been felt, neither in the past nor in the present. Germany built up this Central Europe. We desire to live in this German Lebensraum. Here we will not stand for foreign threats. Here we will not stand for political alliances being constructed to our detriment. [...] What we desire is not the oppression of other peoples, but our freedom, our security, the securing of our Lebensraum. It is the securing of our Volk’s life itself.
—Munich, 24 February 1940
Besides that, I believe one thing: there is a Lord God! And this Lord God creates the peoples. And, as a matter of principle, He accords all these peoples the same fundamental rights.
—Munich, 24 February 1940
Back then I believed: it simply cannot be that my Volk is forsaken. It will be forsaken only if there are no men to be found to rescue this Volk. If, however, someone pledges himself with a trusting heart to this Volk and works for it, who places himself wholly at the disposal of this Volk, then it cannot be that Providence will allow this Volk to perish.
—Munich, 24 February 1940
When we entered into the nation’s political life, our names were unknown. The largest portion of us - I at the top - did not even belong to a party. Most had been soldiers, returned from the great war with rage or desperation in the heart. The people's, the German Reich’s situation seemed to many to be a desperate, a hopeless one.
—Munich, 8 November 1940
I extended my hand often-in vain. They wanted this fight; now they shall have it! The German Volk will see this fight through to the end! The danger that it might erupt again within one or two or three years, after a period of heightened tension, must be removed. The German Volk wants to have peace finally. It wants a peace that allows it to work and which does not allow international scoundrels to agitate among other peoples against us. These are the folks who make their fortunes through war. I have no reason to wage war for material considerations. For us, it is but a sad enterprise: it robs us, the German Volk and the whole community, of so much time and manpower. I do not possess any stocks in the armament industry; I do not earn anything in this war. I would be happy if we could work again as I used to work for my Volk. But these international war criminals are at the same time the armament industry’s greatest black marketeers. They own the factories, they make business. They are the same people we had here in Germany earlier.
—Munich, 8 November 1940
A satanic power had taken hold of our whole nation who had gripped in their hand all the key positions of the spiritual and intellectual life, but also of the political and economic life, and who monitored from these key positions the whole nation, a power that at the same time possessed the influence to persecute with the law those, if necessary, who undertook to join the fight against this power, and who were willing to oppose resistance to the advance of that power. The almighty Judaism has declared the war on us in those days. And you know, I have always defended the view that there is no more stupid a people than the Jewish people, certainly, there is no more unprincipled and more unscrupulous either. But I have always defended the view that the hour will come when we will remove this people from our ranks. This is a view that dominates me still today after we have triumphed in Germany. We have declared the war against everything that this state represented at that time, that led to this state, and were devoted to just one thing, namely, the German people. We have known only one goal: to be useful to the German people and to serve it.
—Munich, 8 November 1940
We have no gold. But what we have, is a capacity for work which is a real value. What we have, is sacred industriousness and a sacred will, and that is in the long run a thousand times more decisive than gold in such a struggle for life or death.
—Munich, 8 November 1940
When someone came to join the Movement then, one could only say to him: “Now you must give up everything, since you will be laughed at and ridiculed and persecuted. You must be aware that you will lose your job, that you will be thrown out every place you go. You cannot be sure of anything, except perhaps your own death.
—Munich, 8 November 1940
They say: 'Here we have liberty.' By this they mean, above all, an uncontrolled economy, and by an uncontrolled economy, the freedom not only to acquire capital but to make absolutely free use of it. That means freedom from national control or control by the people both in the acquisition of capital and in its employment. This is really what they mean when they speak of liberty. These capitalists create their own press and then speak of the 'freedom of the press.' In reality, every one of the newspapers has a master, and in every case this master is the capitalist, the owner. This master, not the editor, is the one who directs the policy of the paper. If the editor tries to write other than what suits the master, he is ousted the next day. This press, which is the absolutely submissive and characterless slave of the owners, molds public opinion. Public opinion thus mobilized by them is, in its turn, split up into political parties. The difference between these parties is as small as it formerly was in Germany. You know them, of course - the old parties. They were always one and the same. In Britain matters are usually so arranged that families are divided up, one member being a conservative, another a liberal, and a third belonging to the labor party.
—Berlin, 10 December 1940
If in this war everything points to the fact that gold is fighting against work, capitalism against peoples, and reaction against the progress of humanity, then work, the peoples, and progress will be victorious.
—Berlin, 10 December 1940
On the other hand, we National Socialists equally oppose the theory that all men are equals. Today, when a man of genius makes some astounding invention and enormously benefits his country by his brains, we pay him his due, for he has really accomplished something and been of use to his country. However, we hope to make it impossible for idle drones to inhabit this country.
—Berlin, 10 December 1940
For seven years Churchill had been saying: 'I want war.' Now he has got it. It was regrettable to me that nations whom I wished to bring together and who, in my opinion, could have cooperated to such good purpose, should now be at war with one another.
—Berlin, 10 December 1940

1941

We chose a path between two extremes. The one of these extremes was holding our people: It was the liberal-individualist extreme which made the individual not only the centre of interest but also the centre of all action. On the other hand, our people were tempted by the theory of universal humanity which alone was to guide the individual. Our ideals were between the two: we saw the people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by Providence. We are put into this community and within it alone can we form our existence. We have consciously subordinated all considerations to this goal, have shaped all interests according to it, and all our actions. Thus the National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome individualism, but not by cutting down individual capacities or individual initiative, only by asserting that the common interest is superior to individual liberty and the initiative of the individual.
—Berlin, 30 January 1941
Two years ago the conspiracy of Democrats, Jews and Freemasons managed to plunder Europe into war. Arms had to decide. Since then, a struggle between the truth and the lie has been taking place. As always, this struggle will end victoriously for the truth. Whatever pack of British propaganda, International Jewry, and it's democratic accomplishments tell. They cannot change historical facts.
—Berlin, 3 October 1941

1942

When, on the other hand, I look at my opponents, what have they really done, now? They could rush easily enough into war. War did not rob them of a peaceful state, for they have accomplished nothing. This prattler, this drink-bold Churchill, what has he in reality accomplished in his life? This perfidious fellow is a lazybones of the first order. If this war had not come, the centuries would have spoken of our generation and also of all of us and also of myself as the creator of great works of peace. But if this war had not come, who would speak of Churchill? Now he will one day be spoken of, to be sure, but as the destroyer of an empire, which he and now we destroyed. One of the most pitiful phrase-mongering natures of world history, incapable of creating anything, of accomplishing anything, or of performing creative acts, capable only of destroying.
—Sportpalast in Berlin, 30 January 1942
We are aware that this war could only end either with the extermination of the Germanic peoples or with the disappearance of Jewry from Europe. On September 1, 1939, in the German Reichstag, I already stated - and I am careful not to make premature prophecies - that this war will not end as the Jews imagine, namely that the European Aryan peoples will be exterminated, but that the result of this war will be the annihilation of Jewry. For the first time, not only others will bleed to death, but for the first time the genuine old Jewish law will be applied: An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth! And the more this struggle spreads, the more anti-Semitism will spread with it - let world Jewry be told. It will find a nourishment in every prison camp, it will find a nourishment in every family, which will be enlightened why it has to make its sacrifices in the end. And the hour will come when the most evil enemy of the world of all times will have played his role again, at least perhaps for a millennium.
—Sportpalast in Berlin, 30 January 1942
Lord God, give us the strength that we may retain our liberty for our children and our children's children, not only for ourselves but also for the other peoples of Europe, for this is a war which we all wage, this time, not for our German people alone, it is a war for all of Europe and with it, in the long run, for all of mankind.
—Sportpalast in Berlin, 30 January 1942
Nobody knows this better than the German soldier and the nations allied to him who are getting to know the essence of the Bolshevik "liberation" of mankind at the front who are seeing with their own eyes what the "paradise" of the workers and peasant looks like in reality and who have described it correctly: National Socialism and Fascism or our enemies.
—German Reichstag, Berlin, 26 April 1942
Recently Sven Hedin published a book in which he gratifyingly now quotes word for word my offer to the Poles which was conveyed at that time through the English. I must say that I really felt a chill when I read through this offer again recently, [...] because if at that time this offer had been accepted, then Danzig would be German, to be sure, but for the rest everything would have remained as it was. We would have devoted ourselves to our social tasks, we would have worked, we would have beautified our cities, we would have built dwelling settlements, we would have put our roads in order, we would have established schools, we would have built up a real National Socialist state.
—Munich, 8 November 1942
From out of this art of government of our foes and its horrible results in our democratic Germany, the National Socialist movement gradually developed. For if they had really made Germany happy, we would not have had any reason at all, and I would not have had any ground, for devoting myself to this work day after day, week after week, month after month, and year after year. You know that too, all my old fellow-combatants. I wasn't loafing then. I didn't speak in a fine club here and there, and I didn't sit down now and then at a fireplace, and deliver a little chat. Then I was making pilgrimages up and down through the German countryside, from North to South and from East to West, and wore myself out, only in order to save my people from this misery, into which these rulers of international capitalism had forced it. This conspiracy of Jews and capitalists and Bolsheviks of that time, we wanted to do away with. And we finally have got rid of it. And hardly had it been done away with, when this other world immediately began its encirclement.
—Munich, 8 November 1942

1943

For as long as I felt it was possible, I extended my hand to the rest of the world for peace, time and again. After the rejection of my last peace offer in July 1940, I realized that any repetition would be interpreted as weakness, since the responsible agitators in this war did not desire peace under any circumstances. The conspiracy of international capitalism and Bolshevism is not an absurd phenomenon but a natural condition. The driving force in both cases is that race whose hatred has torn mankind to pieces time and again throughout the millennia, corrupted it inside, exploited it economically, and destroyed it politically. International Jewry is “the ferment of the decomposition of people and states” today as in antiquity. Things will remain this way, unless the people find the strength to rid themselves of this germ.
—30 January 1943

1944

A very small clique of ambitious, unscrupulous, criminal and stupid officers formed a conspiracy to do away with me and at the same time to wipe out virtually the entire staff of the German High Command. The bomb which was planted by Colonel von Stauffenberg exploded two meters to my right. It seriously injured a number of my colleagues who are very dear to me; one has died. I myself am completely unhurt apart from a few minor skin abrasions, bruises and burns. I interpret this as confirmation that Providence wishes me to continue my life's mission as I have in the past. For I can solemnly state in the presence of the entire nation that since the day I moved into the Wilhelmstraße my sole thought has been to carry out my duty to the best of my ability. And from the time when I realized that the war was unavoidable and could no longer be delayed, I have known nothing but worry and hard work; and for countless days and sleepless nights have lived only for my People!
—Radio Broadcast, 20 July 1944

1945

We were granted only six years of peace after Jan. 30, 1933. During these six years tremendous feats were achieved, and even greater ones were planned, so many and such huge ones that they caused envy among our democratic, impotent neighbors.
—Radio Broadcast, 30 January 1945
The fact that political activities and lies are inextricably linked in a democracy is of no consequence. Decisive is that every promise given by these statesmen to a people is today quite meaningless, because they are not in a position ever to fulfill any such promise. This is as if one sheep promised another sheep to protect it against a tiger. I herewith repeat my prophecy: England will not only not be in a position to control bolshevism but her development will unavoidably evolve more and more toward the symptoms of this destructive disease.
—Radio Broadcast, 30 January 1945

Further reading

External links

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