William Joynson-Hicks
Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Bt., 1st Viscount Brentford (23 June 1865 – 8 June 1932), popularly known as Jix, was an English Conservative Party ultra-conservative Member of Parliament and government minister. He was also a solicitor.
He attracted considerable attention in 1908 when he defeated Winston Churchill, then a Liberal Cabinet Minister, in a by-election for the seat of North-West Manchester. He was a long-serving and controversial Home Secretary in Stanley Baldwin's Second Government from 1924 to 1929. He was anti-semitic, and gained a reputation for strict authoritarianism, opposing Communism and clamping down on nightclubs and what he saw as indecent literature. He also played an important role in the fight against the introduction of the Revised Church of England Book of Common Prayer in 1928.
Contents
Early life and career
Background and early life
William Hicks was born in Canonbury, London,[1] the eldest of four sons and two daughters of Henry Hicks of Plaistow Hall, Kent, and his wife Harriett, daughter of William Watts. Hicks was a prosperous merchant and senior evangelical Anglican layman[2] who demanded the very best from his children.
William was educated at the famous Merchant Taylors' School (1875–81).[3][1] He "took the pledge" (to abstain from alcohol) at the age of 14 and kept it all his life.[1]
After leaving school, he was articled to a London solicitor between 1881 and 1887, before qualifying and setting up his own practice in 1888.[3][1] He was helped by his father's position as a leading member of London's City Common Council and as Deputy Chairman of the London General Omnibus Company, for whom he did a great deal of claims work.[3][1] His law firm was still operating as late as 1989, when a guide to the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 was published as Joynson-Hicks on UK Copyright.[1]
In 1894 while on holiday, he met Grace Lynn Joynson, daughter of a silk manufacturer. Her father was also a Manchester evangelical Tory. They were married on 12 June 1895. In 1896 he added his wife's surname "Joynson" to his, becoming Joynson-Hicks.
Early attempts to enter Parliament
He joined the Conservative Party (at that time part of the Unionist coalition, which name it retained until 1925) and was selected as a Conservative Parliamentary candidate in 1898. He unsuccessfully contested seats in Manchester in the general elections of 1900 and 1906, losing to Winston Churchill. In the latter campaign, he made anti-semitic speeches. At the time, there was an influx of Russian Jews which had caused Arthur Balfour's Conservative government to pass the Aliens Act 1905 which was specifically aimed at stopping Jewish immigration.[1]
Motoring expert
Joynson-Hicks was an early authority on transport law, particularly motoring law. In 1906 he published The Law of Heavy and Light Mechanical Traction on Highways. He was beginning to acquire a reputation as an evangelical lawyer with a perhaps paradoxical interest in the latest technology: motor cars (of which he owned several), telephones and aircraft.[1]
In 1907 he became Chairman of the Motor Union, and presided over the merger with The Automobile Association in 1911, serving as chairman of the merged body until 1922.[3][1] One of his first actions was to assert the legality of AA patrols warning motorists of police speed traps.[1]
He was also President of the Lancashire Commercial Motor Users’ Association of the National Threshing Machine Owners’ Association, and of the National Traction Engine Association.[1]
With his religious interests to the fore, he was also Treasurer of the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission and a member of the finance committee of the YMCA.[1]
Politics
1908 by-election
Joynson-Hicks was elected to Parliament in a by-election in 1908, in which 90 percent of the electors voted, when Winston Churchill was obliged to submit to re-election in Manchester North West after his appointment as President of the Board of Trade, as the Ministers of the Crown Act 1908 required newly appointed Cabinet ministers to re-contest their seats. Cabinet ministers were normally returned unopposed, but as Churchill had crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals in 1904, the Conservatives were disinclined to allow him an uncontested return.[1]
Ronald Blythe in "The Salutary Tale of Jix" in his book The Age of Illusion (1963) called it "the most brilliant, entertaining and hilarious electoral fight of the century". Joynson-Hicks' nickname "Jix" dates from this by-election.[1] The election was notable for both the attacks of the Suffragette movement on Churchill, over his refusal to support legislation that would give women the vote, and Jewish hostility to Joynson-Hicks over his support for the controversial Aliens Act 1905 which aimed to restrict Jewish immigration.[4] Joynson-Hicks called Labour leader Keir Hardie "a leprous traitor" who wanted to sweep away the Ten Commandments. This prompted H G Wells to send an open letter to Labour sympathisers in Manchester,[5] saying that Joynson-Hicks "represents absolutely the worst element in British political life … an entirely undistinguished man … and an obscure and ineffectual nobody".[1]
Joynson-Hicks defeated Churchill. This provoked a strong reaction across the country with The Daily Telegraph running the front-page headline "Winston Churchill is OUT! OUT! OUT!" (Churchill shortly returned to Parliament as MP for Dundee).[4] Jix was guest-of-honour at a Primrose League meeting in the Royal Albert Hall where he was given a standing ovation for a full minute by the 10,000 members present.
Alleged anti-semitism
Prior to his adoption as Conservative parliamentary candidate in 1906, Joynson-Hicks and Churchill were at a public meeting along with several Members of Parliament, Conservative and Liberal. Churchill denounced the pogroms against Jews in Russia. Joynson-Hicks however compared the Tsar and his advisors to Belshazzar, who saw the writing on the wall and whose kingdom was taken from him and given to another and the Tsar was not going to allow that to happen. He was accused of insulting Jews by declining to attend a meeting on a Sunday. He told them "I will never go electioneering on a Sunday - no, not to gain all the Jewish votes in the world." He was then attacked by them over the Aliens Act and their calls for it to be repealed. Joynson-Hicks shouted "No, No! I will not swerve from my views to get your vote!"[6] He gained personal notoriety in the immediate aftermath of the 1908 by-election for an address to his Jewish hosts at a dinner given by the important Maccabean Society, where he was asked to respond to toast to "the visitors" during which he said "he had beaten them all thoroughly and soundly and was no longer their servant." He later said that he resented the Jews of North-West Manchester taking up with him issues such as [their] naturalization over and above more important matters. He objected to movements which sought to make the Jews a special political group held together by racial instincts which were unimportant in relation to the great political issues of the country whose nationality they had adopted. He was, of course, attacked in the Manchester newspapers for his attitude.[7][8]
Early Parliamentary career
Joynson-Hicks lost his seat in the January 1910 general election. He contested [Sunderland in the second general election in December that year, but was again defeated. He was then returned unopposed for Brentford]] at a by-election in March 1911.[1]
During the First World War, he formed a 'Pals battalion' within the Middlesex Regiment, called the "Football Battalion". He acquired a reputation as a well-informed backbencher, an expert on aircraft and motors, badgering ministers about matters of aircraft design and production and methods of attacking Zeppelins. On 12 May 1915, he presented a petition to the Commons demanding the internment of enemy aliens of military age and the withdrawal from coastal areas of all enemy aliens.[9] After German Zeppelins had bombed British towns, he published a pamphlet in 1916 called The Command of the Air in which he advocated indiscriminate bombing of civilians in German cities, including Berlin. However, he was not offered a government post.[10]
In the 1918 general election, his old constituency having been abolished, he became MP for Twickenham, holding the seat until his retirement from the House of Commons in 1929.[1]
For his valuable war work, he was created a Baronet, Sir William Joynson-Hicks of Holmbury in the county of Surrey, in 1919.[11][10]
The Lloyd George Coalition
In 1919-20 he went on an extended visit to the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and India, which changed his political fortunes. At the time, there was some unrest in India and a growth in the Home Rule movement, something Joynson-Hicks opposed due to the great economic importance of the Indian Empire to Britain. He at one time had commented "I know it is frequently said at missionary meetings that we conquered India to raise the level of the Indians. That is cant. We hold it as the finest outlet for British goods in general, and for Lancashire cotton goods in particular."[12][10]
He emerged as a strong supporter of General Reginald Dyer over the so-called Amritsar Massacre, and nearly forced the resignation of the Jewish Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu (Liberal), over the motion of censure the government put down concerning Dyer's actions.[13] This episode established Joynson-Hicks' reputation as one of the "die-hards" on the right-wing of the Conservative Party, and he was a strong critic of the party's participation in a coalition government with the Liberals under David Lloyd George.
As part of this latest campaign, he led an abortive attempt to block Austen Chamberlain's nomination as leader of the Unionist party on Bonar Law's retirement, putting forward F. E. Smith, 1st Earl of Birkenhead instead with the express aim of "splitting the coalition".[14]
Enters government
Joynson-Hicks played his role in the fall of Lloyd George coalition government, which he had so disliked, in October 1922. The refusal of many leading Conservatives, who had been supporters of the coalition, to serve in Bonar Law's new government opened up promotion prospects. Joynson-Hicks was appointed Secretary for Overseas Trade (a junior minister, effectively deputy to the President of the Board of Trade). In the fifteen-month Conservative administration of first Bonar Law, and then Stanley Baldwin, Joynson-Hicks was rapidly promoted. In March 1923, he became Paymaster-General then Postmaster General, filling positions left vacant by the promotion of Neville Chamberlain.[10]
When Stanley Baldwin became Prime Minister in May 1923, he initially also retained his previous position of Chancellor of the Exchequer whilst searching for a permanent successor. To relieve the burden of this position, he promoted Joynson-Hicks to Financial Secretary to the Treasury and included him in the Cabinet.[10]
In that role, Joynson-Hicks was responsible for making the Parliamentary Hansard statement, on 19 July 1923, that the Inland Revenue would not prosecute a defaulting taxpayer who made a full confession and paid the outstanding tax, interest and penalties. Joynson-Hicks had hopes of eventually becoming Chancellor himself, but instead Neville Chamberlain was appointed to the post in August 1923. Once more, Joynson-Hicks filled the gap left by Chamberlain's promotion, serving as Minister of Health. He was appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1923.[15]
Following the hung parliament, amounting to a Unionist defeat in the general election of December 1923, Joynson-Hicks became a key figure in various intra-party attempts to oust Baldwin. At one time, the possibility of his becoming leader himself was discussed. He was involved in a plot to persuade Arthur Balfour that should the King seek his advice on whom to appoint Prime Minister, Balfour would advise him to appoint Austen Chamberlain or Lord Derby Prime Minister instead of Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald. The plot failed when Balfour refused to countenance such a move and the Liberals publicly announced they would support MacDonald, causing the government to fall in January 1924. MacDonald then became the first Labour Prime Minister.[16]
Home Secretary
The Conservatives returned to power in November 1924 and Joynson-Hicks was appointed Home Secretary (Minister of the Interior). Francis Thompson described him as "the most prudish, puritanical Protestant Home Secretary of the twentieth century".[10] Promotion appears to have gone to his head somewhat and he allowed himself to be touted as a prospective party leader, a possibility which Leo Amery dismissed as "amazing" (October 1925).[10]
Public morals
Joynson-Hicks was portrayed by The Left as a reactionary for his attempts to crack down on night clubs and other aspects of the "Roaring Twenties". He was also heavily implicated in the banning of Radclyffe Hall's lesbian novel, The Well of Loneliness (1928) in which he took a personal interest.[17]
He wanted to stem what he called "the flood of filth coming across the Channel" (in particular from Weimar Germany and France). He clamped down on the works of D. H. Lawrence (he helped to force the publication of Lady Chatterley's Lover in an expurgated version), as well as on books on birth control, and on the translation of The Decameron. He ordered the raiding of nightclubs, where a great deal of after-hours drinking took place, with many members of so-called fashionable society being arrested. The notorious nightclub owner Kate Meyrick was in and out of prison at least three times under Joynson-Hicks, her release parties being causes for big champagne celebrations. All of this was satirised in A.P. Herbert’s one act play The Two Gentlemen of Soho (1927).[10]
General Strike and subversion
In 1925, Joynson-Hicks ordered a show trial of Harry Pollitt and a dozen other leading communists, using the Incitement to Mutiny Act 1797.[18][19] During the UK General Strike of 1926 he was a leading organiser of the systems that maintained supplies and law and order, although there is some evidence that left to himself he would have pursued a more authoritarian policy – most notably, his repeated appeals for more volunteer constables and his attempt to close down the Labour Party's socialist newspaper, the Daily Herald.[20]
Having been a hardliner during the General Strike he remained a staunch anti-communist thereafter, although The Left appear to have warmed a little to him over the Prayer Book controversy. Against the wishes of Foreign Secretary, Austen Chamberlain, he ordered a police raid on the Soviet trade agency 'All Russian Co-operative Society' (ARCOS) in 1927, apparently actually hoping to rupture Anglo-Soviet relations. He was popular with the police and on his retirement a portrait of him was erected in Scotland Yard, paid for by policemens' subscriptions.[19]
Revised Prayer Book
In 1927 Joynson-Hicks turned his fire on the 'modernists' proposed revision of the Church of England's famous Book of Common Prayer. The law required Parliament to approve such revisions, normally regarded as a formality.[21] Joynson-Hicks had been President of the evangelical National Church League (today Church Society) since 1921, and he had no qualms in going against Baldwin’s wishes in opposing a Revised Prayer Book.[10]
When the Prayer Book Bill came before the House of Commons Joynson-Hicks rose to his feet and argued strongly against its adoption as he felt it strayed far from the Protestant principles of the Church of England. He likened the Revised Prayer Book to "papistry", as he believed that the reservation of sacrament implied a belief in transubstantiation. The debate on the Prayer Book is regarded as one of the most eloquent ever seen in the Commons, and resulted in the rejection of the revised Prayer Book in 1927.[21][10] His allies were an alliance of ultra-Protestant Tories and non-conformist Liberals and socialists, and some of them likened him to John Hampden or Oliver Cromwell. It was said that no such occasion had been seen since the anti-Catholic agitation of the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 or, some said, since the late seventeenth century crises over Exclusion Crisis.[10]
A further revised version (the "Deposited Book") was submitted to the House of Commons in 1928 but rejected again.[22][21]
Many leading Church of England figures came to feel that disestablishment would become necessary to guard the Church against this sort of political interference. Joynson-Hicks' own book The Prayer Book Crisis, published in May 1928, correctly forecast that the Bishops would back off from demanding disestablishment, for fear of losing their state-provided salaries and endowments.[22] However, the National Assembly of the Church of England then declared an emergency, and this was argued as a pretext for the use of the 1928 Prayer Book in many churches for decades afterwards, an act of illegality.[22][21]
Votes for young women
Off the cuff and without Cabinet discussion, in a debate on a private member's bill on 20 February 1925, Joynson-Hicks pledged equal voting rights for women (clarifying a previous pronouncement of Baldwin's in the 1924 General Election).[19] Women already had the vote, but with exceptions.
Joynson-Hicks' 1933 biographer wrote that the claim that Joynson-Hicks' parliamentary pledge to Lady Astor in 1925 had committed the party to giving votes to young women was an invention of Winston Churchill that has entered popular mythology but has no basis in fact.[23] However, Francis Thompson (2004) wrote that the Baldwin Government would probably not have taken the action without Joynson-Hicks' pledge.[19] Upon what Thompson bases this assertion, given Baldwin's promise, is unknown.
Joynson-Hicks then moved the second reading of the Representation of the People (Equal Franchise) Act 1928 and was also responsible for piloting it through Parliament. He made a strong speech in support of the Bill, which lowered the voting age for women from 30 to 21 (the same age as men at the time), and which was blamed in part for the Conservatives' unexpected electoral defeat the following year, which the right of the party attributed to newly enfranchised young women (referred to as "flappers") voting for the opposition Labour party.[23][19]
Reforms
Throughout his tenure at the Home Office, Joynson-Hicks was involved in the reform of the penal system – in particular, the Borstals and the introduction of a legal requirement for all courts to have a probation officer. Incredibly energetic, he made a point of visiting all the prisons in the country, and was often dismayed by what he found there.[24] He made a concerted effort to improve the conditions of the prisons under his jurisdiction, and earned a compliment from persistent offender and night-club owner Kate Meyrick, who noted in her memoirs that prisons had improved considerably thanks to his efforts.[25]
Joynson-Hicks sided with Churchill over the General Strike and India, but parted company with him on the topic of greyhound racing, which Joynson-Hicks believed served a useful social function in getting poor people out of the pubs. He also thought that Churchill's view that totalisers were permissible for horse-racing but not for greyhounds smacked of one law for the rich and another for the poor.[19]
He became something of a hero to shop workers because of the Shops (Hours of Closing) Act 1928, which banned working after 8pm and required employers to grant a half day holiday each week. He also repealed a "silly" regulation to allow chocolates to be sold in the first interval of theatre performances as well as the second.[19]
In August 1928, Lord Beaverbrook thought Joynson-Hicks the only possible successor to Baldwin. However, he was a figure of fun to The Left and to many journalists and most of his colleagues thought the idea of him as Prime Minister, in FML Thompson's view, "ridiculous".[10] He was, however, praised in the popular press and ridiculed in the upmarket weeklies. He insisted that he did not favour full censorship, and in his 1929 pamphlet Do We Need A Censor? he recorded that he had ordered the police to stamp out indecency in Hyde Park so that it would be safe for "a man to take his daughter for a walk" there.[10]
Later life
As the time for a new general election loomed, Baldwin contemplated reshuffling his Cabinet to move Churchill from the Exchequer to the India Office, and asking all ministers older than himself (Baldwin was born in 1867) to step down, with the exception of Sir Austen Chamberlain. Joynson-Hicks would have been one of those asked to retire from the Cabinet if the Conservatives had been re-elected.[26] The Conservatives unexpectedly lost power at the general election in May 1929.
A month after the general election Joynson-Hicks was raised to the peerage as the Viscount Brentford of Newick in the county of Sussex in the 1929 Dissolution Honours, (necessitating a Twickenham by-election at which the Conservatives narrowly held his old seat).[27][19]
As Lord Brentford he remained a senior figure in the Conservative Party, but due to his declining health he was not invited to join the National Government at its formation in August 1931. As late as October 1931 Lord Beaverbrook urged him to set up a Conservative Shadow Cabinet, as an alternative to the National Government. The National Government was reconstructed in November 1931, but again he was not offered a return to office.[10]
Family
Lord Brentford married Grace Lynn, only daughter of Richard Hampson Joynson, JP, of Bowdon, Greater Manchester, Cheshire, on 12 June 1895 in the "society church" of St. Margaret's, Westminster. They had two sons and one daughter.[28]
Joynson-Hicks unexpectedly died at Newick Park, Sussex, on 8 June 1932, aged 66.[19] His wealth at death was £67,661 5s 7d (around £4m at 2016 prices).[29][30] His widow the Viscountess Brentford did not die until January 1952.[1]
He was succeeded by his eldest son, Richard. His youngest son, the Hon., Lancelot Joynson-Hicks who also succeeded to the Viscountcy in 1958, was also a Conservative politician.
Reputation
Joynson-Hicks' Victorian top hat and frock coat made him seem an old-fashioned figure, but he came to be regarded with a certain affection by the public. William Bridgeman, his predecessor as Home Secretary, wrote of him "There is something of the comedian in him, which is not intentional but inevitably apparent, which makes it hard to take him as seriously as one might". Churchill wrote of him "The worst that can be said about him is that he runs the risk of being most humorous when he wishes to be most serious". After his death Leo Amery wrote that "he was a very likeable fellow" whilst Stanley Baldwin observed "he may have said many foolish things but he rarely did one".[19]
Although Joynson-Hicks was Home Secretary, a notoriously difficult office to hold, for some four and a half years, he is frequently overlooked by both historians and politicians. His length of tenure was exceeded in the twentieth century only by Chuter Ede, R. A. Butler and Herbert Morrison,[31] yet he was not included in a list of long-serving Home Secretaries presented to Jack Straw in 2001 on his departure from the Home Office.[32] He is also virtually the only major politician of the 1920s not to have been accorded a recent biography.
For many years detailed discussion of Joynson-Hicks' life and career was hampered by the inaccessibility of his papers, which were kept by his family. This meant the discourse on his life was shaped by the official biography of 1933 by H. A. Taylor, and by material published by his contemporaries – much of it published by people who hated him. As a result, public discourse has been shaped by material that portrayed him in an unflattering light, such as Ronald Blythe's biographical chapter in The Age of Illusion.[33]
In the 1990s the current Viscount lent his grandfather's papers to a Master of Philosophy student at the University of Westminster, Jonathon Hopkins,[34] who prepared a catalogue of them and wrote a short biography of Joynson-Hicks as part of his thesis.[35] In 2007, a number of these papers were deposited with the East Sussex Record Office in Lewes (which transferred to The Keep in Brighton in 2013) where they are available to the public.[36] Huw Clayton, whose PhD thesis concerned Joynson-Hicks' moral policies at the Home Office, has announced that he plans to write a new biography of Joynson-Hicks with the aid of these sources.[35] An article on Joynson-Hicks, written by Clayton, has since appeared in the Journal of Historical Biography.[37]
Bibliography
- Blythe, Ronald (1963). "Ch. 2 "The Salutary Tale of Jix"", The Age of Illusion: England in the Twenties and Thirties 1919–1940.
- Jenkins, Roy (1987). Baldwin. Bloomsbury Press: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0002175869.
- Matthew (editor), Colin (2004). Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198614111. , essay on Joynson-Hicks written by FML Thompson
- Taylor, H. A. (1933). Jix, Viscount Brentford: being the authoritative and official biography of the Rt. Hon. William Joynson-Hicks, First Viscount Brentford of Newick.
Further reading
- Alderman, Geoffrey, "Recent Anglo-Jewish Historiography and the Myth of Jix's Anti-Semitism: A Response" Australian Journal of Jewish Studies 8:1 (1994)
- – "The Anti-Jewish Career of Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Cabinet Minister,' Journal of Contemporary History 24 (1989) pp. 461–482
- Joynson-Hicks, William, The Prayer Book Crisis. London: Putnam, 1928
- Perkins, Anne, A Very British Strike: 3–12 May 1926 London 2006
- - "Professor Alderman and Jix: A Response" Australian Journal of Jewish Studies 8:2 (1994) pp. 192–201
- Sydney Robinson, W., The Last Victorians: a daring reassessment of four twentieth century eccentrics: Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Dean Inge, Lord Reith and Sir Arthur Bryant London 2014
- Thompson, F. M. L. (January 2008). Hicks, William Joynson-, first Viscount Brentford (1865–1932). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press.
Other sources on Joynson-Hicks:
- Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by William Joynson-Hicks
- Hopkins, Jonathon M., "Paradoxes Personified: Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Viscount Brentford and the conflict between change and stability in British Society in the 1920s" University of Westminster MPhil thesis (1996): copy available at the East Sussex Record Office.
- National Register of Archives: Accessions to Repositories 2007: East Sussex Record Office: Search other Archives | Accessions to Repositories | Major Accessions to East Sussex Record Office, 2007. The National Archives. link to ESRO website: East Sussex Record Office. Eastsussex.gov.uk.
External links
- Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Viscount Brentford
References
- ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 Matthew 2004, p38
- ↑ The Protestant Face of Anglicanism by Paul Zahl, Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1997, p.49, ISBN: 978-0-8028-4597-9
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Taylor, pp. 29–30
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 Paul Addison, Churchill on the Home Front 1900–1955 (2nd ed., London 1993) p. 64
- ↑ although an Social Democratic Federation]] candidate obtained a modest vote at the by-election, there was no official Labour Party candidate at this or any previous election for the seat; Labour supporters were therefore encouraged to vote Liberal in accordance with the Gladstone-MacDonald pact.
- ↑ Taylor, 1933, p.62-4
- ↑ Taylor, 1933, p.101.
- ↑ W. D. Rubinstein (1993). "Recent Anglo-Jewish Historiography and the Myth of Jix's Anti-Semitism, Part Two". Australian Journal of Jewish Studies 7 (2): 24–45, 35.
- ↑ Meeting the Enemy by Richard van Emden
- ↑ 10.00 10.01 10.02 10.03 10.04 10.05 10.06 10.07 10.08 10.09 10.10 10.11 10.12 10.13 Matthew 2004, p39
- ↑ London Gazette issue 31587, 7 Oct 1919, p.12418.
- ↑ Quoted in Blythe, pp. 27–28
- ↑ Cesarani p. 123 (he wrongly credits this campaign with toppling Montagu, who in fact stayed in office until the Lloyd George coalition fell in 1922)
- ↑ Max Aitken, Decline and Fall of Lloyd George: and great was the fall thereof (London 1963) p. 21
- ↑ London Gazette issue 32809, 27 March 1923, p.2303.
- ↑ Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Labour 1920–1924: The Beginning of Modern British Politics (Cambridge 1971) pp. 332–333, 384
- ↑ Diana Souhami, The Trials of Radclyffe Hall (London 1999) pp. 180–181: a more recent but unfortunately not widely available account of these actions may be found in Huw Clayton, "A Frisky, Tiresome Colt?" Sir William Joynson-Hicks, the Home Office and the "Roaring Twenties" in London, 1924–1929" Aberystwyth University PhD thesis (2009)
- ↑ The ODNB article for his Cabinet colleague Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham, Attorney-General at the time, by John Ramsden, suggests that Hogg was the real driving force behind this action. See Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham's biography for details.
- ↑ 19.0 19.1 19.2 19.3 19.4 19.5 19.6 19.7 19.8 19.9 Matthew 2004, p40
- ↑ Anne Perkins, A Very British Strike: 3–12 May 1926 (London 2006) pp. 160, 180, 138–9
- ↑ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 Ross McKibbin, Classes and Cultures: England 1918–1951 (Oxford 1998) pp. 277–278
- ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 Matthew 2004, pp39-40
- ↑ 23.0 23.1 Taylor, pp. 282–285
- ↑ Taylor, pp. 186–189
- ↑ Kate Meyrick, Secrets of the 43 (2nd ed., Dublin 1994) p. 80
- ↑ Jenkins 1987, p89
- ↑ London Gazette, issue 33515, 9 July 1926, p.4539.
- ↑ Matthew 2004, pps:38-40
- ↑ Compute the Relative Value of a U.K. Pound
- ↑ Matthew 2004, pp37-40
- ↑ List available in David Butler and Gareth Butler, Twentieth Century British Political Facts 1900–2000 (revised eighth edition Basingstoke 2005) p. 56
- ↑ Matthew d'Ancona, "Mr Blair is now, at best, a politician in remission," Sunday Telegraph (Opinion Section) 26 March 2006: article on Telegraph website
- ↑ Blythe, p. 35
- ↑ Cameron Hazlehurst et al. (eds) A Guide to the Papers of British Cabinet Ministers 1900–1964 (London 1997) p. 185
- ↑ 35.0 35.1 William Joynson-Hicks « Doctor Huw. Doctorhuw.wordpress.com (3 February 2010).
- ↑ National Register of Archives: Accessions to Repositories 2007: East Sussex Record Office. nationalarchives.gov.uk
- ↑ Huw Clayton (2010). "The Life and Career of William Joynson-Hicks 1865–1932: A Reassessment". The Journal of Historical Biography 8: 1–32.