George Foster

George T. Foster was director of Constitutional Americans, a 1940s nationalist group based in Chicago. The group was aligned with Father Coughlin. His wife Mary Leach was secretary to Elizabeth Dilling.

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Statement of George T. Foster, representing Constitutional Americans to the Commission on Immigration and Naturalization (October 1952)

Mr. Foster. I am George T. Foster, and I am here as a representative of Constitutional Americans, 6286 North Louise Avenue, Chicago.

The membership of the organization is roughly about 5,000 or 6,000, some in Chicago, some outside of Chicago in the environs. It is also representative of the thought of a lot of groups affiliated by kinship in spirit and thought.

Now, I am going to make this very brief, Mr. Chairman. To begin with, I am very much in favor of the McCarran-Walter Act. There is only one complaint that I have to make about it: I feel that it is far too liberal. I think it is time we call a halt to this business of dumping people in here, and that we would better spend our time trying to Americanize some of those people that are not fully assimilated. Prior to this act there was the Stratton bill, as I recall. Bill Stratton was then Congressman down in Washington, and he gave his name to that Displaced Persons Act, I believe it was the 400,000 Displaced Persons Act.

Now, at that particular time there was a lot of feeling for these refugees, so-called, but, particularly, what I think was a small segment of these refugees. There was a great deal of propaganda that had gone on— much of it falls to the effect that 6,000,000 Jews had been killed by Hitler. That, of course, if it were true, would be reprehensible; but, obviously, it was not true. However, it touched the hearts of the people, and made them receptive to this act that was brought in by Mr. Stratton. I recall that distinctly at the time. Prior to that time Mr. Stratton was not in the favor of this particular minority. He had been denounced by this minority as being an isolationist. Since he brought in that particular bill he has been a fair-haired boy of this particular group, and today we find him running for Governor of the great State of Illinois, with a good chance of being elected.

Now, there was no provision in that Stratton bill to take care of the some 12 or 15 million refugees that were ethnic Germans, these poor people that had been driven before the forces of this Communist cause. Many of them were driven into Dresden. Dresden, as I recall, at that time was an undefended city. While they were pouring into Dresden, the railways filled, the people of the streets walking that city, it was a city of their own kind, their own nation, there was a devastating air raid, a bombing raid took place; in fact, there was a series of three within a period of 10 hours, and I understand there were 100,000 people killed during those raids. The total was considered even greater than that of the dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima.

Now, many of those victims were these ethnic Germans who had been fleeing before the Communists. We made all those things possible, and, still, we did not make provision for these ethnic Germans.

I recall having made a trip down to Washington at one time, and I talked to Senator Paul Douglas, and he proceeded to tell me that the IRO, the International Refugee Organization, refused to process these ethnic Germans, and there would have to be some other provision made. I consider that a very sad state of affairs, because I figured that all should be treated equally just.

I go back further to a period back before 1943. We had been inclined to classify according to race, the racial antecedents. In 1943, Mr. Earl Harrison, who was the Commissioner of Immigration, had that ruling eliminated. Prior to that time, if a man was a Hebrew or a Jew he was brought in under the classification of a Hebrew. Mr. Harrison had that eliminated, and since that time in 1913 there has been no record whatsoever kept of the number of Jewish immigrants coming into this country.

It has been stated at some time or another by Senator McCarran, as I recall — it was considered that there were possibly 5,000,000 of these refugees that came into this country illegally. I recall also having heard a statement by Tom Clark, who at that time was Attorney General, to the effect that there were 1,000 illegal entries into this country.

Now, as far as immigration is concerned in a general sense, I feel it is time to eliminate it entirely for a period that we take inventory; we proceed to Americanize these unassimilated people, and then after much sober thought — that could go on over a period of a number of years — and after much sober thought given to the subject that we go to work and set up a new immigration act.

In the meantime, I would say that the McCarran-Walter bill is eminently fair and has been very considerate of all elements concerned. I have taken particular note of the fact that the objectors to the McCarran-Walter Act in large measure have been the so-called liberals; among them, Senator Lehman, of New York; Senator Humphrey, of Minnesota; and then there was Frances Bolton, of Ohio. These people have been yapping at the immigration forces, and they have been yapping at the State Department, because of some of the provisions of the McCarran-Walter Act that have already been invoked.

One particular provision involved the designation of the race of an individual when they made application for a visa, and these so-called liberals felt that that was very, very unjust, and under these circum- stances if a man was a Jew, and he put down there that he was of the Jewish race, that it would discriminate against him, and it would provoke and be a potential for anti-Semitism. However, I do not agree with their viewpoint, because by the same token if a man were a German that same discrimination could be used against him, or if he were an Arab, or if he were a Swede, or an Irishman, or a Greek, or an Italian, or one of any other nationality. Certainly, there is nothing inappropriate about designating the race of an individual.

Now, in conclusion, gentlemen, I feel that it is time, as I say — I repeat myself — I feel that it is time to take inventory and in the best interests of this country that we appraise the circumstances that exist here before we dump any more of these people into our country.

In the past, there have been a lot of refugees loaded in here. Provisions seem to have been made for them; they got jobs, they found a place to live, when our returning soldiers couldn't find a place to live. I have seen instances where our returning soldiers couldn't get an apartment for love nor money, and these refugees could get an apartment.

Now, don't forget, I have great feeling for a lot of these people that have been dispossessed. I feel that many of them have been dealt with very unjustly, and through forces beyond the control of themselves they have been pushed about and made wanderers over the world. But, however, I don't believe that thought should be employed with one particular group. I think we should embrace the whole. And, as I say, when it comes to making any of these quotas, considerations should be taken of all of these refugees, so-called, and, on the other hand, in the meantime I would say that we should not have any immigration whatsoever for the time being, and that we should set about to assimilate these people that have come into our midst, these recent arrivals.

Thank you very much, gentlemen.

Source: Statement of George T. Foster, representing Constitutional Americans to the Commission on Immigration and Naturalization (October 1952)