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Tomislav Sunic - a prominent intellectual who opposes liberalism

Anti-liberalism is an intellectual position which rejects and censures the worldview of liberalism as an ideology centered around extreme individualism, an obsession with maximizing individual liberties in every possible area, and egalitarianism.


Critiques of liberalism and liberal movements are very varied, usually differing based on the specific type of liberalism involved (most notably classical versus social liberalism), but are generally centered around arguments involving:

  • The cosmopolitan origin and nature of liberalism.
  • Its cultural and religious relativism and disregard for the necessity of the separateness of cultures and religions which gives rise to atheism and cultural decay.
  • Its nihilistic and reductionist view of human life; which posits humans as individual atoms, often times claiming that they are or should be driven largely by economic or materialistc interests (i.e. the concept of homo economicus).
  • Its universalist (cosmopolitan) view of humanity, failing to recognize ethnic, racial, cultural, and spiritual differences between groups of people, or, if it does recognize these differences, of giving them their due importance and role in life.
  • Its egalitarianism, which places quantity over quality and fails to recognize that human beings are essentially unequal as they each have different qualities, both groups and individuals.
  • The harm done to community (Gemeinschaft) life by the atomization of society due to the practice of liberalism (as a result of the atomistic hyper-individualism in the liberal worldview).
  • The harm done to life by the practice of liberalism due to its emphasis on comfort, security, and economic-centered living which reduces or removes strong life, will-to-power, and heroism.


The following is a series of quotes from key anti-liberal philosophers:

"Today, more than ever before in the history of mankind, it is the specificity of peoples that is threatened by the universalist credo... The new universalism need only turn to a tepid universe of Kentucky Fried Chicken, a society in which everybody equals everybody, and where ethnic identities, therefore, mean nothing. This 'cool Stalinism' strips peoples of their souls by creating a Homo economicus-dollaricus. The end results of both brands of universalism are pretty much the same, except that the veiled violence of liberal universalism can now be more dangerous than the blunt violence of communism."

Tomislav Sunic, "A Global Village And The Rights Of The Peoples?"

"The real force that sustains liberalism and socialism is the cultural consesnus that reigns more or less unisturbed in the higher echelons of the educational and legal systems. Once these cultural centres of power are removed, the system must change its infrastructure - and not, as Marx claimed, the other way around... In other words, Marxism, fascism, or liberalism can only attain full legitimacy by relying upon, and if necessary, by following the civil society, whereby they can themselves eventually transform into a civil power."

Tomislav Sunic, Against Democracy and Equality

"Hard totalitarianism: this is the totalitarianism which the Tibetan people have to endure. Soft totalitarianism: the one that operates by virtue of imposing the Western-American cultural model diffused through the media across the entire world."

Pierre Vial, Pour une renaissance culturelle

"In atomized postmodern America, the nature of the social contract makes everybody suspicious of everybody and always on guard against fellow citizens. Furthermore, the dynamics of the omnipresent market forces have everybody trying to outsmart and deceive everybody. Led by an unquenchable desire that he must exclusively act on his physical environment and improve his earthly lot, Homo americanus must come to the conclusion tht the only possible way to realize his happiness is by placing his material welfare and his individual well being above all other goals. He is less and less prone to abide by common values of his racial or ethnic community. Instead, he focuses his attention on not being left out of the economic battle, always thinking of his fellow citizens and of the entire system as agents wishing to cheat and rob him.... excessive individual gratification offered by the omnipotent American market strengthens the desire of citizens to act solely as free economic agents with no spiritual bonds to each other. A sense of the common good and the notion of historical community become devoid of any meaning."

Tomislav Sunic, Homo Americanus

"To the fantastic mental illness of Rationalism, hard facts are regrettable things, and to talk about them is to create them. A tiny politician of the Liberal type even sought to prevent talk about the Third World War, after the Second. Liberalism is, in one word, weakness. It wants every day to be a birthday, Life to be a long party."

Francis Parker Yockey, Imperium

"The essence of liberalism is individualism. The basis of its error is to mistake the notion of the person with that of the individual and to claim for the latter, unconditionally and according to egalitarian premises, some values that should rather be attributed solely to the former, and then only conditionally. Because of this transposition, these values are transformed into errors, or into something absurd and harmful... The individual may be conceived only as an atomic unit, or as a mere number in the reign of quantity... [In contrast to the atomic individual] The person is an individual who is differentiated through his qualities, endowed with his own face, his proper nature, and a series of attributes that make him who he is and distinguish him from all others - in other words, attributes that make him fundamentally unequal."

Julius Evola, Men Among the Ruins

"Liberalism is the party of upstarts who have insinuated themselves between the people and its big men. Liberals feel themselves as isolated individuals, responsible to nobody. They do not share the nation’s traditions, they are indifferent to its past and have no ambition for its future. They seek only their own personal advantage in the present. Their dream is the great International, in which the differences of peoples and languages, races and cultures will be obliterated."

Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Germany's Third Empire

"Liberalism taught freedom of movement, free trade, parliamentarianism, emancipation of women, equality of men, human equality, equality of the sexes, and so on. In this, it sinned against a natural law that creation only arises through the release of polar conditioned tensions. That is, a high degree of energy is necessary to perform work of any kind. To create culture. Today, in the midst of the collapse of the feminised old world, the German idea demands strength, type forming, restriction, discipline, protection of racial character and a straightforward recognition of the eternal polarity of the sexes."

Alfred Rosenberg, The Myth of the Twentieth Century

"First, there is the notion of community, which Ferdinand Tönnies developed in opposition to his concept of society. In distinction to a society’s mechanical [or functional] relations, in which social organization is based on individuality and individual interests, community defines a mode of organic sociality. In Max Weber’s term, this notion is an ideal type, for every collectivity, in different proportions of course, possesses traits that are distinct to both community and society. Based on Tönnies work, but with reference to Aristotle, there has arisen a communitarian school of thought, whose principal representatives are Alasdair McIntyre, Charles Taylor, and Michael Sandal. This school highlights the fictitious character of liberal anthropology, insofar as liberalism posits an atomized individual who exists anterior to his ends, that is, an individual whose rational choices and behavior are made and motivated outside a specific sociohistorical context. For the communatarian, [by contrast, the extra-individual forces of larger social or communal ties] are what constitute and motivate the individual. Identity, thus, is that which we choose to be before we even recognize who we are, being that inherited framework which defines the horizon of our shared values and lends meaning to the things of our world. As a specific moral value, then, identity is anterior to any universal conception of justice — although the liberal believes such a conception ought to trump every particularistic sense of the good."

Alain de Benoist, Interview in Terre et Peuple 18 (2003)

"Liberal freedom thus supposes that individuals can be abstracted from their origins, their environment, the context in which they live and where they exercise their choices, from everything, that is., that makes them who they are, and not someone else. It supposes, in other words, as John Rawls says, that the individual is always prior to his ends. Nothing, however, proves that the individual can apprehend himself as a subject free of any allegiance, free of any determinism. Moreover, nothing proves that in all circumstances he will prefer freedom over every other good. Such a conception by definition ignores commitments and attachment that owe nothing to rational calculation. It is a purely formal conception, that makes it impossible to understand what a real person is."

Alain de Benoist, "Critique of Liberal Ideology"

"For once the social world becomes a collection of monadic individuals, inherent distinctions and supraindividual designations take on a secondary order of significance. What counts for liberalism is the basic zoological unit, which—ideally—is a self-contained rational being. The qualitative attributes of station, character, and breeding (not to mention race, culture, and history), whose importance has prevailed in every previous civilization, are thereby ignored, for the individual—any individual—is looked on as an 'instance of humanity,' worthy, in himself, of dignity. From this 'naturalistic' notion of the individual, which denies everything in man that goes beyond his zoological nature, there emerges another of liberalism's defining doctrines—that of egalitarianism and the contention that all individuals, irrespective of their inherited or acquired qualities, are bearers of equal rights and deserving of equal treatment."

Michael O'Meara, New Culture, New Right

"[Liberal] constitutionalism attempted to paralyze the king through parliament but permitted him to remain on the throne, an inconsistency committed by deism when it excluded God from the world but held onto his existence. . . Although the liberal bourgeoisie wanted a god, its god could not become active; it wanted a monarch, but he had to be powerless; it demanded freedom and equality but limited voting rights to the propertied classes in order to ensure the influence of education and property on legislation, as if education and property entitled that class to repress the poor and uneducated; it abolished the aristocracy of blood and family but permitted the impudent rule of the moneyed aristocracy, the most ignorant and the most ordinary form of an aristocracy; it wanted neither the sovereignty of the king nor that of the people. What did it actually want?"

Carl Schmitt, Political Theology

"Our 'English' liberals have made of their party a murderous opposition that slowly undermines and enervates wherever and whenever the Prussian socialist idea stands in the way of all-powerful business… Our liberals demand pure parliamentarism, not because they desire a free state but because they want no state at all, and because they are just as aware as their English counterparts that this foreign cloak can make a socialistically gifted people incapable of action… In spite of all this, the two great universal principles continue to oppose each other: dictatorship of money or of organizational talent, the world as booty or as a true state, wealth or political authority, success or vocation. Both of Germany's socialistic parties must unite against the one enemy of the idea that they share: our inner England, capitalism and parliamentary liberalism."

Oswald Spengler, Prussianism and Socialism

"Thus, the United States in 1917 went to war against Germany in sincere indignation because the newspapers had told them that Prussian 'militarism' was rioting in devilish atrocities as it attempted to conquer the world. Of course, these transparent lies were published in the daily rags because the ruling lords of Mammon knew that American intervention in Europe would fatten their coffers. Thus, whereas the Americans thought that they were fighting for such high-minded slogans as 'liberty' and 'justice,' they were actually fighting to stuff the money bags of the big bankers. These 'free citizens' are, in fact, mere marionettes; their freedom is imaginary, and a brief glance at American work-methods and leisure-time entertainments is enough to prove conclusively that l’homme machine is not merely imminent: it is already the American reality."

Ludwig Klages, Sämtliche Werke, (trans. by J. Pryce here: Link)

"Like Chamberlain, Jung begins with the negative ideal of individualism which characterizes the French Revolutionary liberal ethic and then goes on to portray the truly German, organic form of the state. Jung decried the democratic notion of equality as 'that political plague of the West,' for it forms not a real community (Gemeinschaft) but only an artificial society (Gesellschaft), for the former is always based on a hierarchical ranking of its members... Jung considered the liberal notion of 'freedom' as mere individualism typified by self-will, and the very opposite of true freedom, which is indeed 'the creative power towards the divine life' arising from a consciousness of the unity of all the indiviudal parts in an organic social and political whole. In an organic state, unlike in a liberal one, even democracy will manifest itself as an aristocracy, and not as a confusion of conflicting political parties."

Alexander Jacob, Introduction to H.S. Chamberlain's Political Ideals

"In the United States, the term 'liberal' implies 'political liberalism' and thus ought to be translated as 'progressivism'. The concept of economic liberalism, in contrast, is ambiguous. Let us simply say that economic liberalism is preferable to a paralysing social-statism, but in itself is positive only when serving a higher political will and operating within a protected, self-centered economic space."

Guillaume Faye, Why We Fight

"Besides, these internationalists are supported in their plans by ultra-liberalism of American inspiration. The geopolitical goal of the United States - and we can't really blame them for playing their cards - is to dominate the continent of Europe, destroy its ethno-cultural identity and take over its markets and techno-economic resources."

Guillaume Faye, Archeofuturism

"Modern capitalism is the child of money-lending --- In money-lending all conception of quality vanishes and only the quantitative aspect matters --- In money-lending economic activity as such has no meaning; it is no longer a question of exercising body or mind; it is all a question of success. Success, therefore, is the only thing that has a meaning. In money-lending the possibility is for the first time illustrated that you can earn without sweating; that you may get others to work for you without recourse to force."

Werner Sombart, The Jews and Modern Capitalism

"The Jew's whole being is opposed to all that is usually understood by chivalry, to all sentimentality, knight-errantry, feudalism, patriarchalism. Nor does he comprehend a social order based on relationships such as these. `Estates of the realm' and craft organisations are a loathing to him. Politically he is an individualist --- He is the born representative of the `liberal' view of life in which there are no living men and women of flesh and blood with distinct personalities, but only citizens with rights and duties."

Werner Sombart, The Jews and Modern Capitalism

"Liberalism is, on one hand, the regime without faith, the regime that hands over everything, even the essentials of the country's destiny, to free discussion. For Liberalism, nothing is absolutely true or false. The truth is, in each case, what the greater number of votes say. Thus, it does not matter to Liberalism if a people agrees upon suicide, provided that the proposed suicide is carried out in accordance with electoral practice. And since for the functioning of electoral practice the existence of factions must be encouraged and strife between them must be stimulated, the Liberal system is the system of permanent disunion, permanent want of popular faith in any profound community of destiny."

José Antonio Primo de Rivera.

"The ideal of equality has been recognized as a regulator of the ideal of freedom. No wonder, that both occur in history combined, although they are contradictions on the other hand. For the realization of freedom of the individual in the community would, due to the unequal distribution of power, destroy equality. Nevertheless, the French Revolution brought the demand for equality and its recognition as the precondition of freedom. As they transferred God into this world, they disregarded also the essence of true freedom through their politicization. The ethical concept of freedom was equated with the political and mixed with it. Freedom was thus from the high priestess of morality made the whore of political liberalism."

Edgar Julius Jung, The Rule of the Inferiour

"The sum of men with equal rights forms the modern society. Without the spirit of true community, without inner binding, they live in dumb spitefulness beside one another. Formal courtesy and badly warmed up humanity conceal strenuous envy, dislike, and joylessness."

Edgar Julius Jung, The Rule of the Inferiour

"In the Middle Ages there was unity, now there is atomization: then the hierarchy of authority was solicitous paternalism, now it is compulsory exploitation; then there was relative peace, now wars are wholesale slaughter; then there were sympathetic relationships amongst kinsfolk and old acquaintances, now there are strangers and aliens everywhere; then society was chiefly made up of home- and land-loving peasants, now the attitude of the businessman prevails; the man’s simple needs were met by home production and barter, now we have world trade and capitalistic production; then there was permanency of abode, now great mobility; then there were folk arts, music and handicrafts, now there is science — and the scientific method applied, as in the case of the cool calculations of the businessman, leads to the point of view which deprives one’s fellow men and one’s society of their personality, leaving only a framework of dead symbols and generalizations."

Ferdinand Tonnies, Geist der Neuzeit

"We recognize that at heart…individualism is a fundamental error. Individualism makes the individual lonely and poor.... Mankind can reconcile itself to poverty because it will be and remain poor forever. But to the loss of estate, existential insecurity, uprootedness, and nothingness, the masses of affected people can never reconcile themselves."

Othmar Spann, Der Wahre Staat

"It is the fundamental truth of all social science... that it is not the individuals that are the truly real, but the whole, and that the individuals have reality and existence only so far as they are members of the whole."

Othmar Spann

"The Nation, the multiplicity of nations on this Earth is a reality. Between the family, the smallest group of common descent, and the race and mankind still stands the nation as a community, order, and historical greatness with its own authority and dignity. It is the most distinguished place at which language, culture and common history, tradition, destiny, and will of a group going beyond the family to a higher order amalgamates. To abandon national existence is, in spite of all cosmopolitan doctrines, still equivalent to the loss of human stability, orientation, and self-esteem. Without roots in a nation, in which the individual recognizes others as peers, there is no Identity. With the Universal, whose existence is not denied, we communicate only through the concrete and the particular, and this still continues to be: the Nation."

Gerd-Klaus Kaltenbrunner, Was ist Deutsch? Die Unvermeidlichkeit, eine Nation zu sein

Recently, various forces have attempted to set up a defense and a resistance in the socio-political domain against the extreme forms in which the chaos of our age manifests itself. It is necessary to realize that this is a useless effort, even if for the sake of merely demonstrative purposes, unless the disease, this change of our traditional ideals, is dealt with at its very roots. Thus, the main task of the white nationalist is to ascertain if there are still men willing to reject all their ideologies, political movements, and parties that, directly or indirectly, derive from those revolutionary ideas and tenets of liberal-democracy (i.e., everything ranging from the extremes of liberalism and democracy to Marxism and communism). The White Nationalist sees, as a positive counterpoint, a class of future men and women, be given a solid foundation consisting of a broad view of life and a uncompromising doctrine of the State (such as white nationalism proposes).

Strictly speaking, the watch-word could then be counter-revolution, since the changes in our moral and cultural norms have been revolutionized (as we see it, a negative) in the past three generations; however, the revolutionary origins of these modern changes are by now remote and almost forgotten. The subversion of our folk-traditions has long since taken root, so much so as to appear obvious and natural in the majority of existing institutions. Thus, for all practical purposes, the formula of ‘counter-revolution’ would make sense only if people were able to see clearly the last stages of what truly is a world subversion, which is trying to cover up its subversion through revolutionary liberalism...

Frank L. DeSilva, The Foundations of The Twenty-First Century

Those who do not accept the conditioning of minds and the castration of the masses have to wear the label of “fascists.” To doubt the sincerity of the masters of opinion in a democracy or to challenge the contradictions of the “line” in a communist régime, refusing to compare the culture of the West to the prehistoric wailing of negritude or the morbid decomposition of a certain modernism, despising the “universal conscience,” smiling when one talks of the right of peoples to self-determination, are the proofs of a suspicious and rebellious spirit. Rebellion leads to physical elimination in a communist régime and to social elimination in a liberal régime. Thus, the one and the other destroy creative individualism and popular roots, the very essence of mankind and its community. They commit humanity to a dead end, to the worst kind of regression.

Dominique Venner, "For a Positive Critique"

Man is free when he is free in his Volk, and when it is free in its realm. Man is free when he is part of a concrete collective will, which takes responsibility for its history. Only reality can decide whether such a collective will exist, a will that binds men and endows their private existence with historical meaning.

Hans Freyer, Revolution von Rechts

The love of humanity emerged primarily as a protest against the love of fatherland, and consequently it became a protest against every organised community.

Max Scheler, Ressentiment

Notable Anti-Liberal Thinkers

Ancient Greek


Russian Conservatism/Nationalism

French Nationalism

German Conservatism/Volkisch Movement

German Conservative Revolution

German National Socialism

Italian Fascism

Spanish Conservatism/Traditionalism

British Nationalism/Conservatism

Romanian Right/Legionarism

Radical Traditionalism

American Right

Pan-European Nationalism

European New Right

Nouvelle Droite

Neue Rechte


Anti-Liberal Movements


  • Anelauskas, Valdas. Discovering America As It Is. Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press, Inc., 2002.
  • Bolton, Kerry. Artists of the Right: Resisting Decadence. San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2012.
  • Bolton, Kerry. Stalin: The Enduring Legacy. London: Black House Publishing, 2012.
  • Bolton, Kerry. The Psychotic Left. London: Black House Publishing, 2013.
  • Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. Political Ideals. Lanham, MD, USA: University Press Of America, 2005.
  • Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century. Chestnut Hill, MA, USA: Adamant Media Corporation, 2005.
  • Clauss, Ludwig Ferdinand. Rasse und Seele. Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1926.
  • De Benoist, Alain. Beyond Human Rights: Defending Freedoms. London: Arktos, 2011.
  • De Benoist, Alain. Carl Schmitt Today. London: Arktos, 2013.
  • De Benoist, Alain. On the Brink of the Abyss: The Imminent Bankruptcy of the Financial System. London: Arktos, 2015.
  • De Benoist, Alain. The Problem of Democracy. London: Arktos, 2011.
  • De Benoist, Alain & Champetier, Charles. Manifesto for a European Renaissance. London: Arktos Media, 2012.
  • De Benoist, Alain. "On Identity." Telos, Vol. 2004, No. 128 (Summer 2004), pp. 9-64.
  • De Benoist, Alain. “What is Racism?” Telos, Vol. 1999, No. 114 (Winter 1999), pp. 11-48.
  • De Benoist, Alain. Vu de droite: Anthologie critique des idées contemporaines. Paris: Copernic, 1977.
  • De Benoist, Alain. Les Idées à l’endroit. Paris: Libres-Hallier, 1979.
  • De Maistre, Joseph. Considerations on France. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
  • Desilva, Frank L. Rise of the West. Seattle, WA: CreateSpace, 2003.
  • Desilva, Frank L. Song of Albion: Rise of The West: The Second Volume. Seattle: CreateSpace, 2011.
  • DeSilva, Frank L. Foundations of The Twenty-First Century. Seattle: CreateSpace, 2012.
  • Duchesne, Ricardo. The Uniqueness of Western Civilization. Leiden: Brill, 2011.
  • Dugin, Alexander. The Fourth Political Theory. London: Arktos, 2012.
  • Dugin, Alexander. Pour une théorie du monde multipolaire. Nantes: Éditions Ars Magna, 2013.
  • Dugin, Alexander. Konflikte der Zukunft: Die Rückkehr der Geopolitik. Kiel: Arndt-Verlag, 2014.
  • Eichberg, Henning. Nationale Identität: Entfremdung und nationale Frage in der Industriegesellschaft. München & Wien: Langen-Müller, 1978.
  • Evola, Julius. Men Among the Ruins: Postwar Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist. Rochester: Inner Traditions, 2002.
  • Evola, Julius. Revolt Against the Modern World: Politics, Religion and Social Order in the Kali Yuga. Rochester: Inner Traditions, 1995.
  • Evola, Julius. The Elements of a Racial Education. Thompkins & Cariou, 2005.
  • Evola, Julius. The Path of Cinnabar. London: Integral Tradition Publishing, 2009.
  • Faye, Guillaume. Archeofuturism: European Visions of the Post-Catastrophic Age. London: Arktos Media, 2010.
  • Faye, Guillaume. Convergence of Catastrophes. London: Arktos, 2012.
  • Faye, Guillaume. Why We Fight: Manifesto for the European Resistance. London: Arktos Media, 2011.
  • Freund, Julien. L'essence du politique. Paris: Sirey, 1965.
  • Freund, Julien. Pareto. Washington, D.C.: Plutarch Press, 1986.
  • Freyer, Hans. Revolution Von Rechts. Jena: E. Diederichs, 1931.
  • Freyer, Hans. Theory of Objective Mind: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Culture. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1999.
  • Gehlen, Arnold. Man: His nature and place in the world. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988.
  • Gehlen, Arnold. Man in the Age of Technology. New York: Columbia University Press, 1980.
  • Gottfried, Paul. After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001.
  • Gottfried, Paul. Multiculturalism and the Politics of Guilt. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2003.
  • Gottfried, Paul. The Strange Death of Marxism: The European Left in the New Millennium. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2005.
  • Jacob, Alexander. De Naturae Natura: A Study of Idealistic Conceptions of Nature & the Unconscious. London: Arktos, 2011.
  • Jacob, Alexander. Nobilitas: A Study of European Aristocratic Philosophy from Ancient Greece to the Early Twentieth Century. Lanham, MD, USA: University Press of America 2000.
  • Jacob, Alexander. Europa: German Conservative Foreign Policy 1870-1940. Lanham, MD, USA: University Press of America, 2002.
  • Johnson, Greg. New Right vs. Old Right. San Francisco: Counter-Currents Publishing, 2014.
  • Johnson, Greg, et al. North American New Right, vol. 1. San Francisco, CA: Counter-Currents Publishing, 2012.
  • Jung, Edgar Julius. The Rule of the Inferiour. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Der schwierige Konservatismus: Definition, Theorien, Porträts. Berlin: Nicolaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1975.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Elite. Erziehung für den Ernstfall. Schnellroda: Edition Antaios, 2008.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Europa: Seine geistigen Quellen in Portraits aus zwei Jahrtausenden. Drei Bände. Heroldsberg: Christiania-Verlag, 1981–1985.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Rekonstruktion des Konservatismus. Freiburg: Rombach, 1972.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Vom Geist Europas, Drei Bände. Asendorf: Muth-Verlag, 1987-1992.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Was ist deutsch? Die Unvermeidlichkeit, eine Nation zu sein. Asendorf: MUT-Verlag, 1988.
  • Kaltenbrunner, Gerd-Klaus. Wege der Weltbewahrung. Sieben konservative Gedankengänge. Asendorf: MUT-Verlag, 1985.
  • Klages, Ludwig. The Biocentric Worldview. Tanslated & introduced by Joseph Pryce. London: Arktos, 2013.
  • Krebs, Pierre, et al. Das unvergängliche Erbe: Alternativen zum Prinzip der Gleichheit. Tübingen: Grabert-Verlag, 1981.
  • Krebs, Pierre. Fighting for the Essence. London: Arktos Media, 2012.
  • Krebs, Pierre, et al. et al. Mut zur Identität: Alternativen zum Prinzip der Gleichheit. Struckum: Verlag für ganzheitliche Forschung und Kultur, 1988.
  • MacDonald, Kevin B. Cultural Insurrections: Essays on Western Civilization, Jewish Influence, & Anti-Semitism. Atlanta: The Occidental Press, 2007.
  • MacDonald, Kevin B. The Culture of Critique. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, , 1998.
  • Messner, Johannes. Social ethics: Natural Law in the Western World. St. Louis, Mo: B. Herder Book Co., 1965.
  • Michels, Robert. Political Parties: A Sociological Study Of The Oligarchical Tendencies Of Modern Democracy. Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 2010.
  • Moeller van den Bruck, Arthur. Germany's Third Empire. London: Arktos Media, 2012.
  • Mohler, Armin. Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918–1932. Stuttgart: Friedrich Vorwerk Verlag, 1950.
  • Mohler, Armin. Liberalenbeschimpfung. Drei politische Traktate. Essen: Heitz & Höffkes, 1990.
  • Mohler, Armin. Von rechts gesehen. Stuttgart: Seewald Verlag, 1974.
  • Mosca, Gaetano. The Ruling Class. Charleston, SC: Nabu Press, 2011.
  • O’Meara, Michael. New Culture, New Right: Anti-Liberalism in Postmodern Europe. 2nd Edition. London: Arktos, 2013.
  • Pareto, Vilfredo. The Mind and Society. Harcourt: Brace, 1935.
  • Pareto, Vilfredo. The Rise and Fall of Elites: An Application of Theoretical Sociology. New Brunswick & London: Transaction Publishers, 1991.
  • Pareto, Vilfredo. The Transformation of Democracy . New Brunswick & London: Transaction Publishers, 1984.
  • Rohrmoser, Günter. Konservatives Denken im Kontext der Moderne. Bietigheim: Gesellschaft für Kulturwissenschaft e. V., 2006.
  • Rohrmoser, Günter. Das Elend der kritischen Theorie. Freiburg: Rombach, 1970.
  • Rohrmoser, Günter. Der Ernstfall – Die Krise unserer liberalen Republik. Berlin: Ullstein, 1994.
  • Rosenberg, Alfred. The Myth of the Twentieth Century. Sussex, England: Historical Review Press, 2004.
  • Scheler, Max. Ressentiment. New York: Schocken, 1972.
  • Schmitt, Carl. Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty. Trans. G. Schwab. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.
  • Schmitt, Carl. The Concept of the Political, expanded edition. Trans. G. Schwab. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007.
  • Schmitt, Carl. The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy. Trans. E. Kennedy. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985.
  • Simpson, William Gayley. Which Way Western Man? Hillsboro, WV: National Vanguard Books, 2003.
  • Sombart, Werner. A New Social Philosophy. New York: Greenwood Press, 1937.
  • Sombart, Werner. Economic Life in the Modern Age. New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction Publishers, 2001.
  • Sombart, Werner. The Jews and Modern Capitalism. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1997.
  • Sorel, Georges. Reflections on Violence. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2004.
  • Southgate, Troy. Further Writings: Essays on Philosophy, Religion, History and Politics. London: Black Front Press, 2011.
  • Southgate, Troy. Nazis, Fascists, or Neither? Ideological Credentials of the British Far Right 1987-1994. Shamley Green, UK: The Palingenesis Project, 2010.
  • Southgate, Troy. Tradition and Revolution. London: Arktos Media, 2010.
  • Spann, Othmar. Der Wahre Staat. Leipzig: Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, 1921.
  • Spann, Othmar. Types of Economic Theory. London: Routledge, 2012.
  • Spengler, Oswald. The Decline of the West (Vol. 1, "Form and Actuality"; Vol. 2, "Perspectives of World History"). New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1926 and 1928.
  • Spengler, Oswald. The Hour of Decision. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1934.
  • Spengler, Oswald. Man and Technics. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1932.
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Links: Critiques of Liberalism

Dr. William Pierce's works about liberalism