Neoconservatism is a political ideology with origins in the Marxist Trotskyite movement that has played a critical role in formulating American foreign policy, especially since the 9/11 attacks. As for its preferred form of authoritarianism, the ideology represents the embrace of Zionism and is totally focused upon the racial supremacy and group interests of Jews and the Israeli state. Neoconservatism can be seen as a strategy replacing the previous Jewish objective of Marxist world revolution.
Neocons support mass immigration and globalism, despise traditional values and direct governments belonging to NATO to send soldiers to fight for the Jewish race against Jewry's foes. Many of the real conservatives in America, what is also known as the Old Right are now refered to as paeloconservatives, while some of them more kosher dissidents from the party line who want to pretend the disagreement is all about economics (against high taxes and "big government") call themselves libertarians. Neoconservatives advocate bailouts for big Jewish owned companies and banks.
The intellectual founders of neoconservatism, Daniel Bell, Nathan Glazer, Irving Howe, and most prominently Irving Kristol, were all alumni of City College of New York, known then as the "Harvard of the proletariat" due to its highly selective admissions criteria and free education. They emerged from the (largely Trotskyite) Old Left and retained these origins in the factional New York intellectual debates of the 1930s. The Great Depression radicalized the student body, mostly children of Eastern European Jewish immigrants sometimes on the edge of poverty, who were introduced to the new and revolutionary ideas of socialism and communism.
Opposition to the New Left and Détente with the Soviet Union
Later to emerge as the first important group of social policy critics from the working class, the original neoconservatives, though not yet using this term, were generally liberals or socialists who strongly supported the Second World War. Multiple strands contributed to their ideas, including the Depression-era ideas of former Trotskyites, New Dealers, and trade unionists. The influence of the Trotskyites perhaps left them with strong anti-Soviet tendencies, especially considering the Great Purges targeting alleged Trotskyites in Soviet Russia.
The original "neoconservative" theorists, such as Irving Kristol and Norman Podhoretz were often associated with Commentary magazine and their intellectual evolution is quite evident in that magazine over the course of these years. Throughout the 1950s and early 1960s the early neoconservatives were anti-Communist socialists strongly supportive of the civil rights movement, racial intergration, and Martin Luther King. However, they grew disillusioned with the Johnson administration's (1963-1969) Great Society. They also came to despise the counterculture of the 1960s and what they felt was a growing "anti-Americanism" among many baby boomers, in the movement against the Vietnam War and in the emerging New Left.
According to Irving Kristol (1920-), former managing editor of Commentary magazine and now a Senior Fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute in Washington and the publisher of the hawkish magazine The National Interest, a neoconservative is a "liberal mugged by reality." Broadly sympathetic to Woodrow Wilson's idealistic goals to spread American ideals of government, economics, and culture abroad, they grew to reject his reliance on international organizations and treaties to accomplish these objectives following decolonization and the entry of many African and Asian states into the United Nations, which tilted the body toward recognizing Third World interests. As the radicalization of the New Left pushed these intellectuals further to the right in response, they moved toward a more aggressive militarism. Admiration of the "big stick" interventionist foreign policy of Teddy Roosevelt remains a common theme in neoconservative tracts as well. Now staunch anti-Communists, a vast array of sympathetic conservatives attracted to their strong defense of a "rolling-back" of Communism (an idea touted under the Eisenhower administration by traditional conservative John Foster Dulles) began to become associated with these neoconservative leaders. Influential periodicals such as Commentary, The New Republic, The Public Interest, and The American Spectator, and lately The Weekly Standard have been established by prominent neoconservatives or regularly host the writings of neoconservative writers.
Academics in these circles, many of whom were still Democrats, rebelled against the Democratic Party's leftward drift on defense issues in the 1970s, especially after the nomination of Senator George McGovern in 1972. Many rallied around Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson, a Democrat, but then they aligned themselves with Ronald Reagan and the Republicans, who promised to confront charges of Soviet expansionism.
Generally they supported a militant anti-communism, minimal social welfare (to the consternation of extreme free-market libertarians), and sympathy with a traditionalist agenda. Its feud with the traditional right, especially William F. Buckley's National Review over the welfare state (although the staff of the present National Review are recognisably neo-conservative) and the nativist, protectionist, isolationist wing of the party, once represented by ex-Republican Pat Buchanan, separated them from the old conservatives. But domestic policy does not define neoconservatism; it is a movement founded on, and perpetuated by a hawkish aggressive foreign policy, opposition to communism during the Cold War and now opposition to Middle Eastern states that pursue foreign and domestic policies which do not align with U.S. interests. Thus, their foremost target was the old Richard Nixon approach to foreign policy, peace through negotiations, diplomacy, amd arms control known as détente and containment (rather than rollback) of the Soviet Union, and the beginning of the process that would lead to bilateral ties between China and the US. There is still, today, a rift between many members of the State Department, who favor established foreign policy conventions, and the neoconservative hawks.
Reagan and the Neoconservatives
Led by Norman Podhoretz, these "neoconservatives" used charges of "appeasement", alluding to Chamberlain at Munich, to attack the foreign policy orthodoxy in the Cold War, attacking Détente, most-favored nation trade status for the Soviet Union and supporting unilateral American intervention in places like Grenada and Libya. These activists condemned peace through diplomacy, arms control, or inspection teams, comparing negotiations with relatively weak enemies of the United States as appeasement of "evil".
During the 1970s Jeane Kirkpatrick, a political scientist increasingly criticized the Democratic Party, of which she was still a member since the nomination of the antiwar Senator George McGovern. Kirkpatrick became a convert to the ideas of the new conservatism of once liberal Democratic academics. During Ronald Reagan's successful 1980 campaign, he hired her as his foreign policy adviser and later nominated her US ambassador to the United Nations, a position she held for four years. Known for her anti-communist stance and for her tolerance of right-wing dictatorships, she argued that Third World social revolutions favoring the poor, dispossessed, or underclasses are illegitimate, and thus argued that the overthrow of leftist governments (such as the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile) and the installation of right-wing dictatorships was acceptable and essential. Under this doctrine, the Reagan administration actively supported the dictatorships of Augusto Pinochet, Ferdinand Marcos and the White government in South Africa.
Neoconservatism under George W. Bush
Many critics charged that the neoconservatives lost their raison d'etre following the collaspe of the Soviet Union. During the 1990s, neoconservatives were once again in the opposition side of the foreign policy establishment, railing against the post-Cold War foreign policy of George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, which reduced military expenditures.
Following the election of George W. Bush and the September 11th attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the influence of neoconservatism in the Bush administration appears to have increased. In contrast with earlier writings which emphasized the danger from a strong Russia and China, the focus of neoconservatives shifted from Communism to the Middle East and global terrorism.
The neoconservatives are strong supporters of Israel, particularly any Likud-led government. The neoconservative influenced Project for a New American Century called for an Isreal no longer dependent on American aid through the removal of major threats in the region. A number of critics have accused neoconservatives of putting Israeli interests above those of America, or dual loyalty.
The disputes over Israel and domestic policies have contributed to a sharp conflict over the years with "paleoconservatives", whose very name is taken as a rebuke to their "neo" (new) brethren. There are many personal issues but effectively the paleoconservatives view the neoconservatives as interlopers who deviate from the traditional conservative agenda on issues as diverse as States Rights, free trade, immigration, isolationism and the welfare state. All of this leads to their conservative label being questioned. They furthermore tend to see the methods of the neo-conservatives as simply those of right-wing Trotskyites and not more civilised Conservatives.
- Irving Kristol
- Nathan Glazer
- Jeane Kirkpatrick
- Max Shachtman
- Midge Dector
- Linda Chavez
- David Horowitz
- Daniel Bell
- Nathan Glazer
- Irving Howe
- Norman Podhoretz
- Paul Wolfowitz
- Elliott Abrams
- Richard Perle
- Max Boot
- William Kristol
- Robert Kagan
- William Bennett
- Peter Rodman
- David Feith
|“||What neoconservatives really dislike about their “allies” among traditional conservatives is simply the fact that the conservatives are conservatives at all—that they support “this notion of a Christian civilization,” as Midge Decter put it, that they oppose mass immigration, that they criticize Martin Luther King and reject the racial dispossession of white Western culture, that they support or approve of Joe McCarthy, that they entertain doubts or strong disagreement over American foreign policy in the Middle East, that they oppose reckless involvement in foreign wars and foreign entanglements, and that, in company with the Founding Fathers of the United States, they reject the concept of a pure democracy and the belief that the United States is or should evolve toward it.||”|
Mark Gerson, ed., The Essential Neo-Conservative Reader (Perseus Publishing, 1997) ISBN 0201154889
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