NSDAP program

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German flag 1933
Adolf Hitler
NSDAP Symbol
Der Reichsadler

The 25 points of the Program of the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers Party) adopted February 1920:

  1. We demand the union of all Germans in a Greater Germany.
  2. We demand the end of the Treaty of Versailles.
  3. We demand colonies for settling our surplus population.
  4. Only those of German blood can be citizens. No Jew, therefore, can be a member of the nation.
  5. Any non-citizen may live in Germany only as a guest.
  6. Only citizens can vote.
  7. The first duty of the State is to promote the well-being of its citizens. If it is not possible to nourish all the people, then non-citizens are to be excluded.
  8. All non-Germans who came into Germany after August 2, 1914, shall be deported at once.
  9. All citizens of the State shall enjoy equal rights and duties.
  10. The first duty of a citizen is to work for the common good.
  11. We demand the end of all income unearned by work or effort.
  12. We demand that all war profits be taken over by the State.
  13. We demand that the State take over all large businesses, such as trusts.
  14. We demand profit sharing in large concerns.
  15. We demand old age pensions.
  16. We demand a healthy middle class.
  17. We demand land reform.
  18. We demand a ruthless struggle against profiteers, who must be punished with death.
  19. We demand that the Roman law be replaced by German law.
  20. We demand that our whole system of education be revised.
  21. The State must provide for improvement of public health by protecting mothers and children, ending child labor, and supporting health education for the young.
  22. We demand the formation of a national army.
  23. We demand an end to the lying press.
  24. We demand religious freedom, in so far as any religion does not work against the state.
  25. To carry out these demands we call for the creation of a strong central authority in the Reich. The leaders of the party promise that they will fight to the death for this program.
















In the context of our present pathetic position, every word of our national demand cuts like a whiplash.

The "German Reich: "Where is there a German Reich today?

Does present day Germany, a wretched colony, have any right to call itself by the glorious name of independent country? No!

A country such as Germany is today, cannot be said to be in possession of sovereign rights, even by the most extravagant political scientist.

The five most important sovereign rights of nations are: Territorial sovereignty; military sovereignty; financial sovereignty; administrative sovereignty; and, fifthly, judicial sovereignty.

Just naming these sovereign rights and comparing them with the present position of Germany, suffices to demonstrate the untenability of the proposition that a sovereign German Reich exists today.

Our territorial sovereignty is a farce. Whenever it pleases France she occupies it without asking questions or encountering opposition. Likewise the Czechs, Poles, Danes can invade Germany any time they desire, without hindrance.

The much-maligned old regime judged border transgressions very differently.

In former times, military penetration into German territory meant war.

In order to maintain territorial sovereignty, the state requires armed forces which are capable of repulsing attacks on its territory and on the lives and health of its citizens.

No sovereign state can allow a foreign power to supervise its personnel, weaponry, equipment, bases and so forth. If it does that, it obviously is no longer sovereign. It is no longer in possession of its instruments of power. It has conceded its military sovereignty.

This is what Germany has done by subordinating itself to the Disarmament and Inspection Commissions of its enemies.

Such was the extent of Germany’s subjugation under the terms of the armistice.

We lost our international sovereignty.

A certain domestic sovereignty could still have been maintained, but immediately after the destruction of this internal medium of power came the turn of the plutocracy that completely ruined Germany.

To start with, the filthy flood of revolution engulfed Germany, then the mob of swindlers and usurers, the children of chaos, social democratic traitors, and deserters. Jailbirds occupied the highest government positions, which they soon shared with democrats and centrists. Behind and above all of them was the jew, the plutocrat with his deals.

Soon, even freemasons from the so-called national parties were brought along, in particular brother Stresemann. Thus the last blow was prepared.

Sophisticated transactions and the Dawes regulations then robbed Germany of financial sovereignty, which was bestowed on a handful of powerful jews both foreign and domestic.

Likewise, the Reichstag forfeited our railroads along with sovereignty over transportation. Then it gave away vital administrative sovereignty in the areas of taxes and duties, in that it mortgaged them and placed them under control of Reparations Commissars.

Little is left to be said about sovereignty of our court system.

Our occupied areas are under the administration of alien military courts, the rest of Germany under emergency decrees such as the "law for the protection of the republic."

Uncertainty about the law, organized robbery of our people by the so-called "evaluation regulations," force our courts to declare the unjust to be legal.

Germany is a sovereign state no more.

Germany has become a colony of slaves.

Germans are repressed. They are thrown into prison and forbidden to speak out, for no other reason than they are true Germans who resist slavery.

To be sure, we want to have a free German Reich again. This coming free German Reich must be the homeland of the Germans.

This coming Germany must be our homeland and not just the machinery of police edict. Not just "the state," not merely established authority, not just government and sinecures for twenty-five royal houses, but a true homeland.

O homeland, sweet magical word calling forth subterranean springs of delight. Love, which is found in our homeland, familiar and beautiful, sunny and lovely. The fragrance of homeland rising all about, feelings of bliss permeate the wanderer who once again feels the beloved ground of his homeland beneath his feet, to which he is related through primeval ties of blood.

Homeland, our mother who provides for all her children. Every German feels safe and secure in the German Reich, the German Vaterland, the German Heimat.

The sense of security is the essential element in the concept of Heimat; from this arises the tender flower, the love of homeland.

There is no greater good for a country and its people.

It is more than mere social policy or unemployment insurance. It is more than housing program, although a home of one’s own is the greatest motivations for cultivating love of homeland.

Heimat is more than the imperial state one serves sometimes willingly, sometimes under duress.

Heimat is more than just government of Reich, State or City, more than representation of professional interest, more than the food-trough and protector of person and property.

All these public organizations contribute to the concept of Heimat.

Just as, in a proper family, the concept of "back home" exerts special magic; and just as a hotel room one lives in, or even prison cell, Heimat is something inexpressibly tender yet powerful. It ranks above the shabby thoughts of utilitarian grouping which the liberal democratic parliamentarian concept of society, which "state" represents.

FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION The 1926 convention of our party in Weimar desired publication of a series of booklets, which would present, in concise programmatic discussions, all the important aspects of our political life.

These booklets are intended to give a comprehensive view of the position of National Socialism regarding the various challenges in our public life, and how it proposes to deal with the shortcomings and mistakes (of the present government.)

Our task is to ask the elementary question: "How do things stand?" and then objectively determine "How did things get this way?" in order to methodically formulate an answer to the portentous question, "What is to be done now?" (Editorial note – in 1924 Lenin had already published "What is to be done?)

The main purpose of these booklets is to point out new financial and economic paths for public policy. Our studies must be very different from conventional studies which, on account of pure "scientificallity," either dare not go beyond the usual backward looking panoramas of historians, or else, for impartiality's sake, give equal consideration to every opinion.

The purpose of this series is to construct a solid foundation in the midst of chaos and to draw clear conclusions from new insights, in order to create a unified political will. It follows logically that all the articles in this series must be free to present in detail the few but powerful basic principles of National Socialism clearly and distinctly.

Adolf Hitler entrusted the publication of this series to me. These pamphlets will constitute the official literature of our party. I now submit to this year' s convention "The Program of the NSDAP." as the first booklet.

I express my special thanks to Adolf Hitler for reading over the manuscript. August 1927. Gottfried Feder

FOREWORD TO THE FOURTH EDITION Exactly one year after the publication of the first edition of the "program of the NSDAP," publication of a fourth edition is already necessary, which is yet more striking evidence of the strong growth of our movement.

At the executive meeting on 31 august of this year, Adolf Hitler forcefully stated: "the executive committee is not concerned with programmatic questions. Our program has already been firmly established; and I will never allow tampering with the programmatic foundations of our entire movement."

I agree wholeheartedly with this definitive statement of the Führer. Nothing can be more dangerous for the survival and the impact of a political movement such as ours, than the expression of negative criticism and disagreement on fundamental concepts after the program has been adopted.

An exchange of opinions concerning this or that point in our program can only enrich and strengthen the concepts of National Socialism.

Opinions will often vary concerning day-to-day problems and political decisions, since the positions of our parliamentary representatives are not always immediately clear. Sometimes concessions are made for tactical reasons. However, programmatic questions involving our basic principles are a different matter. There can be no question of betraying or straying from our basic principles for the sake of temporary advantage.

Whoever does not agree with our unalterable position concerning the jewish question, high finance, the Dawes Pact, and the politics of pauperization; whoever thinks he can purchase the freedom of the German nation by means of the Lucarno Agreement or through compromise and cowardice, does not belong within our ranks. That person stands outside the NSDAP. We stridently reject that person's smug, know-it-all conceit, often cleverly expressed in witty speeches and literary gushings.

We also reject the "yes-buters," who agree with us in general but always hold contradictions in reserve. He who fundamentally agrees with our demands should set aside his reservations over lesser issues. Complete agreement by everyone on every issue cannot be expected, least of all in a political struggle.

It is a different matter when outsiders misinterpret an important point of our program, or when our political opponents fabricate hate-filled misrepresentations out of our program. This has already happened. In this case, official commentary is called for.

Thus, article 17 of our 25-point program, ripped from its context, has been maliciously misrepresented and hatefully misapplied by our opponents. For this reason Adolf Hitler, acting on my suggestion, has released the following explanation concerning point 17:

Regarding the fraudulent interpretations of point 17 of the NSDAP by our opponents, the following explanation is necessary: Since the NSDAP supports private ownership of property, it is self-evident that the passage "uncompensated expropriation" can refer only to the legislation of lawful processes for the expropriation of real property. The passage refers to property that has been unjustly acquired or is not used to promote the welfare of the people. Such property should be expropriated when necessary. Point 17 is directed primarily against jewish corporations that have been formed for the purpose of speculating in land. SIGNED: ADOLF HITLER, 13, April 1928

It is out of the question that the NSDAP would restrict traditional ownership of urban or agricultural land that has been properly acquired, as was claimed in hate filled misrepresentations by the Agricultural League and the Nationalist Party. No party pursues a clearer and more specific policy concerning land ownership than we National Socialists.

The letter and the spirit of our total program make it absolutely clear that what is involved here is the expropriation only of German land that has been acquired during the inflation, by speculators and usurers, most often jews. Often this land was acquired from its rightful owners for a mere pittance. Point 17 refers also to large holdings, which are not used for the support of the people.

It is the mission of the National Socialist Library to cumulatively publish comprehensive discussions of all areas of public life, in the spirit of our program. This library is the spiritual armourer of our liberation struggle. FOREWORD TO THE FIFTH EDITION

Again a new edition has become necessary.

This edition, as can be expected when reprinting a political program, is fundamentally unchanged from the preceding editions. The only corrections are a few refinements of expression and placement that could lead to misunderstandings.

I am particularly grateful for the perceptiveness and precise remarks sent by the office of Adolf Hitler, which have all been taken into careful consideration. February 1929 Gottfried Feder

FOREWORD TO 326,000 - 350,000 During the electoral campaign for the presidency of the Reich, copies 326,000 - 350,000 of our program are being published in our effort to make known the thoughts and goals of National Socialism.

While confusion, fear and chaos reign in the camp of the bourgeoisie, and while the governmental Marxists make ridiculous convulsive efforts at repression, the NSDAP enjoys unparalleled growth and prepares to take political power.

Our program and our goals remain unchanged. No significant corrections have been made and none are needed. We refuse to do as other parties do and adapt our program to so-called circumstances, for the sake of convenience.

We shall make the circumstances fit our party by mastering the circumstances. At the end of this edition I have appended the official party announcement of 6 March 1930, as well as my responses to ten questions addressed to us by the leading publication of the Reichsland federation, the "German Daily News." the "German Daily News" printed these responses.

This is the best way to refute the lies about our supposed hostility to German agriculture, specifically land ownership and inheritance. Unsigned

FOREWORD TO 500,000 The program of the NSDAP is immutable. National Socialism has come to power in Germany. Despite unsurpassed repressions it was not possible to halt the victorious momentum of our movement.

The grey-haired Field Marshall of the World War has named the leader of the NSDAP, Adolf Hitler, chancellor of the German realm. He holds the reigns of government in a strong hand. With statesmanlike wisdom, strength and clarity of purpose, the domestic prerequisites have been created for realization of our programmatic goals.

We must repeatedly emphasize that the program of the NSDAP is not to be compared with any other party program. The NSDAP has no "time program" or "action program." In contrast, the content of the 25 points is characterized by unflinching determination without abandoning our tactical imperatives.

More than ever, it is necessary that the millions of new party members and supporters familiarize themselves with the original content of the NSDAP. Only in this way will the theoretical basis be prepared among the broad masses of the German people for the final realization of our goals.

The preceding forewords are included again because they give a short review of our movement from its smallest beginnings to present achievement of power.

In conclusion, I have avoided making changes of any kind in order to avoid the impression that the original demands are no longer in effect.

"The leaders of the party promise, if necessary, to pledge their own lives to the realization of the preceding 25 points" is the concluding sentence of the 25 points, which our Führer publicly proclaimed on the 24th of February 1920. "National Socialism will not disappoint the German people."

Berlin, 11.August 1933 Gottfried Feder Secretary of the Reich Finance Ministry


1. The significance of the peasantry and agriculture for the German people:

The German nation meets much of its food requirement by importing foreign foodstuffs. Before the world war we could pay for these imports with income from our industrial exports, world trade and capital investments in foreign countries. The outcome of the world war has deprived us of this ability.

Today we pay for our food imports primarily with borrowed foreign monies. As a result, the German people are led ever deeper into debt-servitude, by the international financiers, who extend credit. This servitude, if the present situation continues, will increasingly dispossess the German people.

By cutting off credit and importation of foodstuffs, that is to say, by yanking up the food basket, this servitude can force the German proletariat in particular, to work for starvation wages or else let themselves be shipped off to work like slaves in the colonies of foreign countries. Emancipation from this servitude will be possible only when the German nation can feed itself from its own soil.

Thus an increase in the productivity of domestic agriculture has become a matter of survival for the German nation. An economically healthy rural population with strong purchasing power is critically important for our industry, which is increasingly reliant on the domestic market.

We recognize the overwhelming significance of the rural population for our nation not only as producers of food, but also as the principal source of national genetic health, the fountain of youth of our people, the backbone of our defensive strength.

The retention of a vigorous peasantry, numerous relative to our increasing total population, is a mainstay of the National Socialist program for the simple reason that this program is directed toward the good of the entire nation, including the coming generations.

2. Contempt for the peasantry and neglect of agriculture in the present German state:

In disregard of the biological and economic significance of the peasantry and, in contradiction to the vital need for increased agricultural production, the present German government threatens the survival of an economically healthy peasantry.

A significant increase in agricultural production, which could be easily achieved, is hindered because needed farming implements are unavailable due to increased indebtedness, and because any incentive to increase production is missing due to lack of profitability.

The causes of insufficient profitability are to be found:

a. In the present tax policy, which disproportionately burdens agriculture.

This occurs for reasons of party politics and because the international jewish plutocracy, which actually rules within the German parliamentary democracy, wants to ruin the German agricultural economy, so that the German population, particularly the working class, will be defenceless against exploitation.

b. In the competition of foreign agriculture, which operates under more favourable conditions than ours. Their unfair advantage is not offset by our taxing policy, which is hostile to German agriculture.

c. In the intolerably high profits between the producer and the user, the agricultural commodities trade, which is primarily in the hands of the jews.

d. In the exorbitant prices which farmers must pay for chemical fertilizer and electricity, most often to companies owned by jews.

The high taxes can no longer be paid from the income of inadequately compensated agriculture. The peasant is forced to go into debt and then pay usurious interest rates. He falls ever deeper into debt servitude and finally loses home and farm to the predominantly jewish owners of loan capital. The German peasantry is being uprooted.

3. In the future Reich for which we are striving, German land law will prevail, as well as a German agricultural policy.

A significant improvement in the crisis of the rural population and an improvement in agriculture cannot be expected as long as international money lords govern the German Reich. Aided by the parliamentary democratic system, these plutocrats are striving for the elimination of the German landowning class.

Only in the new and fundamentally different German state, for which we strive, will the peasantry and agriculture find the consideration that is their due, the full support of a truly German state. In this future Reich, German land law will govern and German agrarian policy will be pursued.

In pursuance of this, we make the following demands:

a. German land possessed and defended by Germans provides the home and livelihood of the entire German people.

Therefore, German land must be used by individual landowners subject to the following conditions:

b. Only German nationals can possess German land.

c. The possession of land, which has been rightfully acquired by German nationals, is acknowledged as hereditary property. However, this right to property is conditional upon the obligation to use the land for the general welfare.

Enforcement of this obligation will be the responsibility of professional boards consisting of representatives of all occupational groups engaged in agriculture, along with a representative of the government.

d. German land must not be an object for financial speculation and must not produce unearned income for its owner. Only persons who themselves work the land, can acquire land.

Therefore, every time land is sold, the state shall have the first option to buy. It shall be forbidden to mortgage land to private financiers.

Farmers will receive necessary credit at favourable terms through approved cooperatives or else through the state.

e. In return for the use of German land, the owner must pay a sum commensurate with the size and nature of his holding. Because of this land utilization fee, additional taxation of agricultural lands and production will not be necessary.

f. No universal regulations can be made concerning the size of an agricultural enterprise.

From the socio-political standpoint, it is of primary importance to have a large number of viable small and medium sized farms. However, the large operation also plays an important role, and has a right to coexist in a healthy relationship with medium and small operations.

g. Land inheritance should be regulated by ‘heir-apparency’ laws so as to avoid splintering of tracts and overburdening of farms with indebtedness.

h. The state shall have the right of expropriation with appropriate compensation:

i) of land that is not in possession of German nationals;

ii) of land which, in the opinion of a professional board, no longer serves the needs of the people due to mismanagement by its owner;

iii) of portions of large holdings not utilized by the owners themselves, for homestead settlement by farmers.

iv) of land needed for the common good, for specific purposes (for example, highways and national defence). Land that has been acquired illegally (from the standpoint of German law) will be expropriated without compensation.

i. It is the responsibility of the state to provide for planned settlement of newly available land (planned in the sense of a large scale socio-political plan.) The land should be distributed among settlers as hereditary tenancies under initial conditions that will make possible a viable homestead economy. Selection of applicants will take place after their citizenship and vocational qualifications are established. Sons of farmers disqualified from inheriting land (see sub.sec. g above) will be given special consideration.

Most important is settlement of the eastern borderland. This cannot be accomplished solely by creation of an agricultural economy. It must be done in conjunction with the establishment of viable rural towns and the redeployment of industrial enterprises. In this way enough demand will be created to support new farmsteads.

It is the responsibility of German foreign policy to acquire farmland and living space for our growing population.

4. The peasantry must be enhanced both economically and culturally.

The state has the responsibility to improve the economic and cultural conditions of the peasantry so they will be commensurate with the peasantry's importance for the nation. Such improvements would remove the principal cause of flight from rural areas.

a. First of all, the present crisis in the rural population must be alleviated by means of tax relief and other special measures. Additional farm debt must be avoided by lowering interest rates to prewar levels and by taking firm steps against usurers.

b. Through its economic policies, the state must insure that farming becomes profitable again. Domestic agricultural production must be protected by means of tolls, regulation of imports and a national education campaign.

Farm prices must be protected from speculation. Farmers must be protected from exploitation by commodity brokers. The state must take over the agricultural commodities trade and replace it with farmers' cooperatives.

It will be the responsibility of the agricultural associations to lower production costs and increase production. They will oversee the delivery of farm machinery, fertilizers, seed, breeding stock under favourable purchasing terms, discounts, pest control, cost-free agricultural advice, soil analysis, etc.

In performing these tasks the farmers organizations will be extensively supported by the state. In particular, the state must lower the cost of fertilizer and electricity.

c. These farmers’ organizations also have an obligation to integrate farm workers into the community, by means of fair labour contracts. Enforcement will be the task of the state and courts.

Efficient workers must have a chance to become homesteaders. The more the overall agricultural situation improves, the sooner necessary improvements in housing and wages for farm workers will come.

Through improvements for domestic farm workers and through cessation of rural flight, the importation of alien farm workers will become unnecessary. In future it will be forbidden.

d. The importance of the peasantry demands governmental support for technical training of farm workers as well as revitalization of peasant culture. This will include rural youth homes and agricultural colleges with preferential consideration for poor but talented youngsters.

e. The existing farmers’ organizations cannot effectively aid the peasantry. Only political emancipation through the NSDAP can help.

"The present crisis among country folk is part of the crisis of the entire German nation. It is erroneous to think that a particular occupation can be excluded from the fate of the entire German community. It is a crime to pit country folk against city folk, since both are conjoined to prosper or suffer together.

Mere financial assistance within the framework of the present system cannot bring significant improvement. The crisis of the German nation is rooted in political enslavement, from which it can be freed only by political means. The old political parties which have ruled until now, and which led our nation into slavery, cannot now lead us to freedom.

In our future state, professional organizations will have important economic tasks to fulfill. They can perform preparatory work today. However, they are inappropriate for the political emancipation struggle, which is prerequisite for a new economic order. A single professional group cannot fight this struggle. It must be fought by the entire nation.

Only a political emancipation movement can lead the freedom struggle against our oppressors and their vassals. Armed with a full appreciation of the significance of the peasantry and agriculture for the entire nation, this movement will bring together patriots of all classes and vocations of the German nation.

This political emancipation movement of the German nation constitutes the NSDAP." Signed: Adolf Hitler

2. THE PROGRAM OF THE N.S.D.A.P. : The 25Points

The program of the NSDAP is a time program.

Our leaders have pledged not to set new goals after achievement of the goals enumerated in this program, merely to continue our party through artificially increased dissatisfaction of the masses.

1. We demand the inclusion of all Germans in a greater Germany on the basis of the self-determination of the people.

2. We demand equal treatment of the German nation with regard to other nations, and we demand the recall of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territories (the return of our colonies) for the support of our population and settlement of our surplus population.

4. Only German nationals can be citizens of Germany. Only persons of German blood, regardless of Christian confession, can be German nationals. Hence, no jew can be a German national.

5. Whoever is not a citizen must be permitted to live in Germany only as a resident alien, and must be governed by the laws for aliens.

6. The right to determine the government and laws of our nation must be restricted to citizens. Therefore we demand that every public office, whether national, state or local, be filled only by German citizens. We oppose the corrupt parliamentarian practice of filling positions strictly along party lines, without regard to character or ability.

7. We demand the state guarantee employment and the necessities of life to every citizen. If the state is unable to provide for our entire population, we demand that aliens (non-citizens) be deported from the Reich.

8. Continued immigration of non-Germans must be stopped. We demand the immediate deportation of all non-Germans who have immigrated into Germany since 1914.

9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.

10. The first duty of every citizen must be productivity, physical or intellectual. The activity of the individual must not conflict with the good of the community, but must promote the general welfare.

Therefore we demand:

11. The abolition of unearned income and an end to debt slavery.

12. In view of the monstrous toll of wealth and blood exacted by war, profiteering must be considered a crime against the people. Therefore we demand total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all heretofore-incorporated trusts.

14. We demand profit sharing on the part of major corporations.

15. We demand a generous increase in old age benefits.

16. We demand the creation of a viable middle class with means of subsistence, the immediate nationalization of major department stores, and reduced rents for small businesses. We demand special consideration for small businesses when contracting with national, state and local governments.

17. We demand land reform appropriate to our national needs, laws for uncompensated expropriation of land for communal purposes, abolition of the land tax, and an end to land speculation.

18. We demand ruthless struggle against those who harm the public welfare with their activities. Common criminals, usurers, swindlers and others should be put to death without regard to race or religion.

19. We demand replacement of Roman law, which serves the materialistic world order, with German common law.

20. In order to provide every capable industrious German access to higher education and leadership positions, the state must aid our entire public education system. The curricula of all educational institutions must serve the needs of practical life. With the beginning of rational thought in childhood, a national consciousness must be instilled by the schools (civic studies). We demand the public education of gifted children of poor parents, without regard to class or profession.

21. The state must improve public health by protecting mothers and children and forbidding employment of minors. The state must encourage physical education by requiring sport and athletic instruction in school, and by generously supporting clubs for the physical culture of youth.

22. We demand the disbandment of the mercenary army and the creation of a people's army.

23. We demand laws against deliberate political lies and their dissemination by the press. In order to create a German press, we demand:

a) editors and associates of German language newspapers must be German nationals.

b) non-German newspapers must have official permission for publication. They may not be printed in the German language.

c) financial participation in German newspapers or influence by non-German papers must be legally prohibited. As punishment for violations we demand the immediate closing of such newspapers and the deportation of participating non-Germans from the Reich. Newspapers, which harm the public good, must be forbidden. We demand legal action against art and literature, which have destructive influence on our cultural life. We demand the closing of defiant institutions.

24. We advocate freedom of all religions provided they do not endanger the state or violate the ethics and morality of the Germanic race. Our party supports a positive Christianity without allying itself with any particular confession. Our party opposes the jewish-materialistic spirit. We believe that a lasting recovery can come only from within our nation according to the guiding principle of "communal good before individual good."

25. In order to achieve all the preceding, we advocate: the creation of a strong central government of the Reich; unconditional authority of the central parliament over the entire Reich with all its subordinate organizations; the formation of class and occupational boards in each province, for carrying out framework legislation of the Reich. The leaders of the party pledge to strive unrelentingly for the realization of these 25 points, at risk of their lives if necessary. 24. February 1920 After due consideration the general assembly of 22 may 1926 concluded: "This program is unalterable." This does not mean that every word has to remain exactly as written, nor does it forbid expansion and adaptation of the program. It simply states, with decisiveness and precision, that there will be no tampering with the basic concepts of this program.

There will be no wheeling and dealing for the sake of convenience, no playing at hide-and-seek with program points which are distasteful to the governmental, social and economic arrangements which seem important today. And there will be no faltering in our determination!

Adolf Hitler has given special emphasis to the cornerstones of this program by the use of bold print. "The good of the community before the good of the individual" is the guiding principle of this program. Smashing debt-slavery is at the very heart of National Socialism.

The achievement of "communal good before individual good" and an end to "debt slavery" marks the victory of the evolving universal social order and true state over the present government, nation and economy. These are disintegrating under individualistic social organization.

Our present obscenity of a government represses the working lasses while protecting the loot of bankers and stock swindlers. It has become a hotbed of ruthless privateers and disgusting swindlers and pushers. The scoundrels have no regard for their fellow man and countryman, no concept of ethics whatsoever. Today the most brutal power of all, that of money, rules unencumbered. It exercises its destructive influence over government, nation, society, manners, culture, literature and every other civilized institution. In this titanic struggle there can be no hesitation, no compromise, no retreat. Here there is only victory or defeat.

I present a somewhat different version of these principles in my book "the German State: Its National and Social Basis" (published by Franz Eher in Munich). It is not an alteration, although it contains a particular order and summary of related points considered from various political, economic, financial, and cultural points of view.

If this version could be construed as an alteration, or if it could be played off against our 25 points, Hitler would certainly not have called my book "the catechism of our movement" in his concise foreword. As you prefer, you might favour one or the other, or refer to them both. They will never contradict one another.

At the Reich’s conference of Gauletters held at Bamberg on 14 Feb. 1926, Adolf Hitler delegated authority over our program to party comrade Gottfried Feder. He did this in order to preserve unity of support for our program and to protect it from the greatest nuisance that can plague a party, that of endless "suggestions for improvement," criticism solicited and unsolicited, nags and know-it-alls. End of "25 POINTS"


It is not the purpose of this booklet to explain in depth the sociological, civic, philosophical, spiritual and structural foundations of the National Socialist idea. Such will be the purpose of a subsequent booklet in this series. Here we can only present the essentials, as simply and concisely as possible.

Also, we must avoid polemics with various other political movements and their representatives. This too will be the subject of a future publication. First, we must make known our own intentions.

From out of chaos the world evolved, from disorder came order, from the maelstrom came the organic. Today chaos again rules the earth: confusion, struggle, hate, envy, discord, oppression, exploitation, crudity and selfishness. Brother no longer understands brother. Our countrymen attack and beat each other to death, just because one is wearing the swastika.

They all carry the same burden and suffer the same deprivation, but when have you heard in recent months, that Marxist workers attacked and killed their employer? When did they attack one of their party bigwigs, or a great bloodsucker like a bank or the stock market, or a great swindler? The victims of chaos have all been plain, simple, honest workingmen.

Peoples' brains are addled. The Marxists defend the greatest exploiters of their own class and ferociously attack their champions from their own ranks. The nationalists, patriotic circles and parties of the right, fight each other in the government or else sit next to those who deny and destroy their political ideals. By so doing, they lose all honour and character. The military groupings want to get inside the system, to work within the government of Severing and Grzesinsky. They imagine they can govern in coalition with pacifists, internationalists and jews. Peoples' brains are confused!

The so-called circles of the right do not perceive that friendship and cooperation can never exist between the eagle and the snake; the lion and the bull; man and the cholera bacillus. And so, driven by a yearning for form, they give political support to the disorder, which they perceive as order. They support chaos and political impotence.

They opposed the National Socialists, calling us fanatics. They reject those who would rescue them from chaos, calling us practitioners of realpolitik. It is not because they hate them less, although they feel somehow related; but they are fearful that the National Socialists could take some of the privileges or positions, which they had earlier. But they forget that they have lost everything because of those who want nothing except a place at the state feeding-trough.

The commercial leaders both large and small, heavy industry or small fabrication shop, have just one goal: profit. They yearn for just one thing: credit. And they actively oppose just one thing: taxes. They have great fear and boundless respect for banks. But they have a mere shrug of the shoulders for the National Socialist demand for the abolition of debt slavery. Everybody is in a rush to incur debt. People think it is perfectly in order for banks to effortlessly make huge profits from interest.

People formed peculiar business parties and voted for the Dawes Act, the chief cause of our massive tax burden. People hurl themselves into interest slavery, and then complain about taxes and interest rates. They swoon with respect while in the presence of the bankers and stock exchange pirates. Peoples' brains are confused!

Our entire economy has been debased, depersonalized, and converted into stock corporations. The productive element of society has delivered themselves into the hands of their worst enemy, finance capital. Deeply in debt, those who produce value in workshop, factory and office receive scant reward. All surplus value flows into the pockets of the anonymous plutocracy, in the form of interest and dividends. The people who mortgaged their economic rationality do not know how to control the resulting chaos.

From above, they suffer extortion through taxes and interest. From below, subterranean rumblings of the labouring masses threaten them. In stupefied blindness they embrace finance capital with its favoured political structures. The bloodsuckers and profiteers from chaos keep them as slave drivers to control the labouring masses.

Their fury is not directed against those who slaughter the German economy, not against the Marxist insanity. No - it is directed against those who bear the Swastika! People forget that we were the only ones who anticipated the tragedy of the German economy. We alone predicted it and we showed in a timely manner how to put our entire economy back on its feet, using our own resources.

All kinds of organizations and interest groups are trying to restore order, but they are completely ineffectual in the present chaos of our public life. These include professional, government officials and employees, savings groups, retired persons, Reichsbank creditors, militias, veterans, social groups, fraternities, labour unions, agricultural organizations and every other kind of group imaginable. All are reasonable in their basic principles, but ineffectual.

They are ineffectual, because they are not organically integrated into the overall unity of the common people. They are all intent on gaining some small advantage for their own caste or class. They lack coherent political or economic principles. They meekly approach as many political parties as possible. Acknowledging the legitimacy of the existing system, they remain obedient and subservient toward so-called higher authority.

They cost the German people endless sums of money, and feed numerous syndicates, bureaucrats, directors and paper-shufflers but they are of no use whatsoever. A criminal instrument of revolution - inflation - robs all moneyboxes, savings accounts, cooperatives and union treasuries. A new tax law or regulation destroys the hopes of years of work. A measure of legislative relief, when finally achieved after endless meetings, conferences, announcements and other governmental spectacles - has already been overtaken by increasing inflation and rising or falling prices. Chaos and confusion! Peoples' minds are confused.

How can the peasant survive when he is cheated and tormented? How can the worker buy anything when the middlemen keep raising prices? What good are long overdue salary increases to state employees when the cost of living index has already risen again? The people superstitiously look to the state for help. But the state is the agent of impoverishment and repression. It does everything except look after its children in a fatherly manner. It has become an agent of coercion, a collector of debts and taxes for the plutocracy. The people keep returning to the old parties. They declare themselves "apolitical, unaligned" and thus deliver themselves over to the most wretched politics of all.

The same horrible image of chaos is found in all other areas of public life: art, literature, theatre, film, radio, church, or school. The great spoilers and destroyers, jews and freemasons, are visible in the most important positions, or else invisible behind the scenes where they pull the puppet strings. Sometimes they dance about on the public stage, like Stresemann or Scheidemann. Sometimes they operate unobtrusively like Jacob Goldschmidt, Warburg, Wassermann, Levy and others who stupefy and plunder the German people with the whips of extortion and interest payments.

The will to restore form; the determination to decipher chaos; the desire to restore world order and serve as watchman (in the highest, platonic sense) -these are the gigantic tasks which National Socialism has set itself.

We must emphatically remark that neither the repressive order of a police state, nor the everyday legal plunder by finance capital nor the pretexts of syndicates and trusts, are acknowledged by National Socialists as legitimate order, regardless of how well they may seem to "function." A band of robbers has its own particular order as well, as does a prison.

Considered from the standpoint of an organically integrated people, nearly all phenomena of our public life are tormented, fettered, repressed, and surreal. They present a chaotic, dog-eat-dog picture of everyone pitted against everyone else.

Government is pitted against the people; party against party, forming fantastic coalitions; parliament against government; employee against employer; consumer against producer; dealer against both consumer and producer; homeowner against renter; worker against peasant; worker against bourgeois; church against state, everyone blindly strikes out against the antagonist of the moment, thinking only of their personal interest, their power position, their own advantage, the interest of their purse.

No one considers that others also have a right to live, that ruthless pursuit of private gain is accomplished only at the expense of others. No one considers the well being of our fellow countrymen. No one considers a higher duty to society. There is no pause in the frantic pursuit of personal enrichment. Ram your elbow in your neighbour’s ribs to get ahead. Step over prostrate bodies of those who have fallen. Why show consideration? That is the way business is done today.

And so the mob chases, rages and roars; rips and tears, hits and kicks. The stronger knocks the weaker to the ground. The cruder overcomes the more decent and the brute overcomes the noble minded. The rage to consume destroys civilized behaviour. Violence triumphs over justice, party interest over the good of society. Cunning, embezzlement and deceit triumph over honest labour.

There has never been such a furious assault of base instincts. We are reminded of the ancient prediction of götterdämmerung: "When law and civilization collapsed, the age of wolf and club began, the ocean raged, fire fell from heaven, and gods and men expired."

Let us not deceive ourselves: we are standing at an epochal change. It can happen that the simple confused spirit sees no way out of present chaos, that he chooses death in his desperation, or fatalistically accepts that the end of the world is near. Or the confused spirit might join the insane dance around the golden calf and, forgetting all restraint, hurl himself into the wild melee. "Enjoy it while you can - after us comes the flood!"

Such a terribly deep shock to the soul of a people is possible only when its spiritual foundation has been shattered, or was false to begin with. And in fact we do see that both Marxists and capitalists, scientists and public leaders all share the same world view, that of individualism. Personal advancement is the one and only driving force; advantage for the narrow circle of one's own class. The only goal is representation of their own vocation.

Here again we must refer to a subsequent publication of this series, which will deal in detail with sociological questions of the foundations of society. Here we should make a brief attempt to show by means of metaphor, the fundamental difference between the correlation, or lack thereof, in the present state and economy, and the constitution of a National Socialist State. Current prevailing wisdom has it that a society is a sum of individuals, the state, a specialized organization of various individuals or organizations.

In our metaphor, the structure of society corresponds to a stone pile. In the stone pile, the individual stones and pebbles are indeed the only reality, the exterior form of something entirely coincidental. It is of no consequence to the stone pile whether an individual stone lies on the top or bottom or in the middle; it remains a stone pile of so and so many individual stones.

Now for the metaphor of the state, which corresponds to our national socialist theory and philosophy: the house. Mechanistically and individualistically considered, the house also consists of so and so many bricks, gravel, cement, beams, windows, doors, floors, etc. It is obvious to everyone that a house is something greater, more characteristic, something new, a higher entity, than a mere accumulation, a pile of bricks and so forth. Everyone realizes that a house results not merely from random conglomeration of so and so many individual parts, but from purposeful joining together of these parts, according to a plan. Only then does that emerge which is new and more highly evolved, the intellectual super construction, in a sense.

It is the same with the nation. Only when chaos is rationally and organically, ordered: not until form evolves out of chaos according to a predetermined plan, does the true state appear. Not until a rationally organized entity emerges out of the jumbled mass does it appear. At that moment the individual parts converge to become coherent life. At that moment the true state emerges.

In his book "the true state" and in his societal theories, Othmar Spann, former rector of the university of Vienna, masterfully depicts the sociological foundations of today’s individualistically constructed state. He contrasts today’s state with the universal order of society.

We National Socialists plainly and simply express the formulation of this as: the good of the community must come before the good of the individual. Only in service to the community, only as a functional member within the framework of the entire nation, does the individual become aware of a higher form of life. Only in this way, with everyone in his place and truly integrated into the higher unity of the nation -- only within this concept does the individual realize true socialism, true community and true life.

It is only within this basic concept that the individual can achieve a sense of security. Within it he becomes aware of the richly diffuse organic national economy that is then free to arise from the present robbers economy. For the good of the entire nation - and therefore the good of the individual as well.

Today the individual is the helpless prey of many forces that are competing for mastery. His perceptions are of no use to him. Nowhere is the real enemy, the predator and exploiter of the people, clearly recognized. Despite all the anti-capitalistic rhetoric of the Marxists, the pious speeches of the centre parties, and the hullabaloo of the economists about taxes and interest, there is no clear recognition of the enemy of the whole world. That is monopoly capitalism and its agent, the jew.

All classes and professions are suffering under the whip of interest payments. The tax collector has our entire nation by the neck. But who will dare confront the almighty power of bank and stock capital? The omnipotence of finance capital is demonstrated in the fact that, uniquely in earthly experience, it propagates itself by feeding upon itself, it grows ever greater and more powerful through interest, dividends and pensions. Thus the devilish principle of deception triumphs over the fundamental principle of productive labour. "Abolish interest slavery!" is our battle cry against usury!

I realize that this basic demand is not fully comprehended, even within our own ranks. This is evident in the very small number of our speakers who dare to discuss this seminal question. Most speakers believe that it is the central question, just as they agree that "the struggle against finance capital" belongs among our topics. However, very few of our speakers understand "interest slavery" well enough to explain it in their own words. They do not understand how it actually operates in the life of the individual and nation. Very few understand the financial and technical processes that make interest slaves of the population, thus they cannot know what practical measures are required to abolish it. They cannot imagine what the results of abolition would be for our entire society.

On page 224 of "Mein Kampf," Adolf Hitler emphasized the supreme importance of this question with the following introduction: When I heard Gottfried Feder's first lecture on "abolishing interest slavery" (in June of 1919), I realized that he was explaining a theoretical truth which would be immensely significant for the future of the German people. "The struggle against international finance capital has become the most important program point in the struggle of the German nation for freedom and independence." All serious National Socialists share this conviction. The solution to this question means, basically, the solution to the jewish question, since it makes that question comprehensible. It makes a great deal more comprehensible, as well.

Anti-semitism is in a sense the emotional basis of our movement. Every National Socialist is an antisemite, but not every antisemite is a National Socialist. Plain anti-semitism is purely negativism. The plain anti-semite has identified this plague of nations, but most often such recognition is converted into personal hatred of the individual jew, combined with envy of jewish commercial success. In the best case, ordinary anti-semitism rises to the demand for the removal of the jews from government and commerce. But most often, the ordinary anti-semite does not ask how this can be achieved and what is to be done afterwards.

If the jewish philosophy "individual good before communal good" should remain in effect, and if their power base (banking, mortgage and credit industries) should remain intact, our problem would remain unsolved, even after deportation of the jews. There would still be enough jewish half-breeds or even "normal Germans" in their wretched race to carry on. The depredations against the German nation would not diminish. In fact we might see a lot of so-called "anti-semites" in the very positions occupied by jewish plutocrats today.

National Socialism on the other hand, since its chief demand is the abolition of interest-slavery is genuinely positive. The demand itself is truly profound and the consequences are comprehensive.

In my short study "The Heart of our Program" (in the national socialist yearbook 1927) I refer to the unique position among all the parties to which this particular demand entitles us. Concerning all our other program demands, there are similar demands both among parties of the right and parties of the left. This is the only principal demand, which has no counterpart among the other parties.

We all know that neither the left wing parties with their deceptive screams of "down with capitalism," nor the right-wing parties with their patriotic slogans, are capable of ushering in a new epoch. Neither Marxist nor reactionary demands would change the nature of our total economy. Like the communists in Russia, they would only destroy, they could not create anything positive.

Just what does "interest slavery" mean? It refers to the condition of the people who are under the rule of the jewish plutocracy. A farmer lives in interest slavery who, in order to finance his operation, must resort to "credits" which have such a high interest rate that interest payments consume almost the entire product of his labour. That farmer lives in interest slavery who, once in debt, is forced ever deeper in debt, and thus must drag a heavy mortgage behind him. A workingman lives in interest slavery, who in factory or shop, produces value for meagre pay, while the stockholder, without lifting a finger, rakes in interest payments, royalties and dividends. The entire middle class lives in interest slavery since most of its earnings go to pay interest on its bank loans. All those people live in interest slavery who, through intellectual or physical work, must toil for their daily bread, while a few people, without effort, extort huge sums from their interest income, banks, stocks, and other financial transactions.

Here we are not referring to retired persons and those with savings accounts. They too owe their interest income to a deeply flawed system. During their lifetimes, a hundred times the amount of their meagre incomes was taken and taxed away from them. By giving back a small part of what they had taken away, the capitalistic system now gains widespread support from those it cheated. We shall discuss this in more detail, later on.

The industrialist lives in interest slavery who, having built up his business by hard work, is now forced to convert his business into a stock corporation. He is no longer free to conduct business as he thinks best, but must now satisfy the insatiable greed for profit of his corporate board and stockholders. Otherwise he will be fired from his own creation!

Every nation lives in interest slavery, which meets its need for operating capital by borrowing money. Under interest slavery, every country is ruined which turns over to the plutocracy its political sovereignty, its financial sovereignty, its railroads (transportational sovereignty) and enforcement of the most important taxes and excises, as Germany has done under the Dawes act.

All countries and governments, which bow down to the power of finance capital, are living under interest slavery. All productive activity is now the slave of interest. It has become subordinate to money, with the result that today money that is supposed to be the servant of industry has become the most brutal of masters. Interest slavery is the objective term for the predatory relationship between capital and labour, blood and money, and production and exploitation.

Thus flash the lightning bolts of this titanic struggle of strength against cunning, of spirit against material, of freedom against servitude, of light against darkness. The demand for abolition of debt slavery is of such immense and fundamental significance for our nation and race, that on its solution alone depends the resurrection of our nation from deepest servitude and shame. In fact, the re-flowering, prosperity, welfare and culture of our entire planet all depend on the abolition of interest slavery.

The abolition of debt slavery is the steel axle around which all things turn. It is much more than just a financial and political demand. With its assumptions and consequences, it penetrates as deeply into political as economic life. It reaches into the personal life of every individual since it demands a choice between patriotic duty and personal enrichment. Thus it contains the solution of the social problem as well.

It is in the nature of every universal question, that such questions can be reduced to a single word or phrase, like a flaming symbol arising out of chaos. A thousand books and a hundred prophets cannot depict and exhaust such a thought in all its details. Here we can say nothing more about this most powerful idea of National Socialism.

I have dealt with all the sides of this problem in my earlier polemics "The Manifesto for Abolition of Interest Slavery," Munich 1926,"Salvation From National Bankruptcy"; "The Coming Tax Insurrection"; and "The National and Social Foundations of the German State." These works can all be ordered through our party bookstore in Munich.

Serious study is necessary in order to really understand interest slavery. Practical economic developments of the last fifty years have taken place completely under the influence of the prevailing system of finance capital. For everyone who grew up with these ideas, a fundamental change in orientation is required in order to overcome these deeply ingrained concepts. In a forthcoming booklet on the abolition of interest slavery we will answer the questions of our party comrades concerning this vital task of our coming nationalist state.

In conjunction with these new ideas of our program we must mention the fundamental aspects of the national, economic, financial, social and cultural policies out of which our program demands develop. Simply stated, our guiding principle regarding the national problem is: "The German Reich is the Home of the Germans." This basic principle of national sovereignty encompasses the vast area of our entire foreign policy, including the political emancipation of Germany. It includes our ethnic demands as well as consequent conditions and definitions of citizenship.

Our fundamental political economic principle is: the goal of the national economy is to provide for public need, not to provide the highest possible return on finance capital. This guiding principle encompasses the basic position of National Socialism towards private property. It includes the constitution, size and form of commercial entities: small, medium, large or giant (syndicates and trusts). It includes our position on critical ethical questions, which must be answered if the "economy of the people" is not to become an economy of pure exploitation and profiteering.

Regarding financial policy, our guiding principle is: our monetary policy must serve the national interest. Plutocrats must not be allowed to form a state within a state. This marks a new departure that is very drastic indeed. In this new departure we shall deal with practical measures for the abolition of interest slavery, nationalization of monetary policy, the control of interest rates, construction banks and reserve banks. Each of these tasks is of immense programmatic significance. We should also mention here our goal of complete tax reform: We have set ourselves the seemingly impossible goal of government without taxation.

In the socio-political area our basic principle is: the highest law is the general welfare. Here again we stand in sharp contradiction to conventional practice, in which each group, class, and professional organization seeks advantages without regard to the general welfare.

We must also solve the housing shortage and the misery of unemployment. We must develop an overall program of care for the elderly. Culturally and politically, we must establish the irrevocable principle: all cultural endeavour must reflect purely German ethnicity.

It remains to be seen whether the spiritual and intellectual powers of our nation can bring about a new renaissance, a new classical period of the arts. Such a development can not be commanded or coerced. However, the severe injuries inflicted on our culture and intellectual life under the jewish dictatorship can still be remedied by appropriate measures. In particular it can be accomplished by detoxification of the press. In addition to these important areas of public life, other significant improvements can be made in other areas. It is obvious that our entire legal system, in response to numerous and varied innovations, must be judicially reconstituted.

It is obvious that we must do away with the monstrosity of parliamentary-democratic electoral procedures. It is obvious also that, after a transitional period of dictatorship, we must do away with both the external form of the nation, as well as the domestic form of association of provinces.

Even in this short summary, one sees the significance of these questions in relation to the basic principles of our program. To us it is not especially important whether we have a monarchy or republic. It is not important whether we have 5 or 25 federal states, or whether we have geographic provinces or tribal government. The important thing is that all Germans be united by a strong central government, that we present a united front and powerful bulwark against the outside world. Only then can Germans lead happy, productive lives in peace and prosperity.


Discussion of our program demands in detail

Following are Feder's elaborations on the national socialist program, taken from his publication "The German State"

For purposes of practical polemics, it is advantageous to use the following version of our program. This is because individual sections are summarized under larger headings, corresponding to their presentation in chapter III.

It is preferable to delineate the subject areas early in the program and then rank them according to importance. THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY Our aim is a rebirth of Germany, the German spirit and German freedom. THE WAY TO THIS NOBLE GOAL IS AS FOLLOWS A. Our basic principle regarding nationalism: the German Reich should be the homeland of the Germans.

A.1. Our foreign policy:

A.1.a. The creation of a consolidated national state, which includes all Germans.

A.1.b. The effective representation of German interests abroad

A.2. Our ethnic policy:

A.2.a. The exclusion of jews and all other non-Germans from political positions of authority.

A.2.b. A halt to the in-migration of eastern jews and other parasitic aliens. Troublesome foreigners and jews should be deported.

A.3. Our policy regarding citizenship:

A.3.a. Only Germans who share our culture and destiny can exercise the rights of citizenship.

A.3.b. Non-Germans should reside only as guests in the German state and should be governed by the laws for aliens.

A.3.c. The rights of Germans should have priority over those of aliens

B. Our basic economic principle: the mission of the national economy should be to provide for the needs of the people, not assure the highest possible return on finance capital.

B.1. National Socialism recognizes the legitimacy of private property and protects it by law.

B.2. However, the welfare of the people demands limits to the concentration of wealth in the hands of individuals.

B.3. All Germans should be integrated into a community of endeavour for the advancement of the general welfare and culture.

B.4. In the context of a general obligation to work and the acknowledgement of private ownership, every individual German should enjoy the freedom to acquire property and dispose of the fruits of his own labour.

B.5. A beneficial mixture of small, medium and large concerns in all areas of the economy, including agriculture, should be maintained.

B.6. All heretofore incorporated concerns should be nationalized.

B.7. Usury, swindling, and profiteering at the expense of the people, should be punishable by death.

-- editor’s note: this was actually practiced in the USSR. Feder had a propensity to co-opt Bolshevik practices which were popular with German workers.

B.8. Introduction of a year of mandatory labour service for every German.

C. Our national financial policy: the currency should be controlled by the state. Plutocrats should not be allowed to form a state within a state. From this comes our determination to abolish debt slavery.

C.1. Emancipation of the state and the people, from interest indebtedness to big capital.

C.2. Nationalization of the Reichsbank and reserve banks.

C.3. Financing for large public projects such as hydroelectric dams, highways and so forth, without resorting to commercial loans, by issuance of interest free certificates which avoid cash transactions.

C.4. The issuance of a stable currency.

C.5. The creation of a non-profit construction and commerce bank (currency reform) for the issuance of interest free loans.

C.6. A thorough reorganization of the tax system according to socialist economic principles. Emancipation of consumers from the burden of indirect taxation as well as emancipation of producers from restrictive taxes (tax reform and abolition.)

D. Our basic principle regarding social policy: the general welfare should be the highest law.

D.1. We advocate generous expansion of retirement benefits through nationalization of retirement plans. At a specified age, or with premature onset of disability, every needy German should be assured a liveable income.

D.2. We advocate the participation of every citizen in creative or productive activity, relative to ability and age. Each citizen should share in the economic benefits of work as well as responsibility for meeting the quota in his field.

D.3. We favour confiscation of all dishonourable profits from war and revolution, as well as hoarding and usury. These amounts should be applied to building a social security fund.

D.4. We advocate relieving housing shortage by massive construction projects throughout the Reich. This will be financed with the funds described in item C.5. through our non-profit construction and commerce bank,

E. Our policy regarding culture: we are striving for a new flowering in all the arts and sciences, based upon a politically free and economically healthy state. We shall achieve this by means of:

E.1. Educating our youth to be physically healthy and spiritually free individuals, in keeping with our great intellectual heritage.

E.2. Complete religious and intellectual freedom.

E.3. Particular protection of the Christian confessions.

E.4. Repression of religions which offend the German sense of decency and whose contents are destructive of the German state and national character.

E.5. Repression of harmful influences in literature and the press, theatre, art and movies.

E.6. Freedom of instruction at German colleges and universities; training of a cadre of men of character.

F. Our basic principle regarding the military:

F.1. Arming our nation by introducing the right of every free German to defend his country.

F.2. Abolition of the mercenary army.

F.3. Creation of a national army for defence of our homeland under the leadership of a vigorously trained professional officer corps.

G. Other improvements, which we propose:

G.1. Reform of the press; repression of all publications that offend the character of the German nation. Strict accountability for false or deliberately misleading reporting.

G.2. Changing present electoral procedure and reforming our disgusting electoral campaigns, by abolishing unaccountability and immunity.

G.3. Formation of professional chambers of commerce.

G.4. Legal reform in the areas of:

G.4.a. Land ownership: we favour recognition of the right of property in land. We favour also putting an end to the right of private capital to mortgage land. We favour the right of purchase by the state, particularly with regard to aliens and jews. In the case of crass misuse of land, we favour mandatory administration by the state,

G.4.b. We favour more stringent protection of individual integrity and health versus the right of property, which today is exaggerated and one sided.

G.5. National political reforms:

The form of government that is appropriate to German character is a sovereign federation united under a supreme executive.

Federal nature of the Reich: the German nation is composed of various states that are closely united by ethnicity and history. This implies extreme independence of the individual states in their internal affairs.

The jurisdiction of the Reich is international representation, passports and visas, import taxes, and the armed forces.

Three main obstacles stand in the way of our national and economic program: Marxism; parliamentarism; and finance capital, which controls them both.

G.5.a. Our struggle against Marxism is directed against the anti-nationalist teaching of the jew Karl Marx, which destroy the state; against the concept of class war, which divide the people; against the economy-destroying abolition of private property; and against the historical concept of dialectical materialism.

G.5.b. Our anti-parlamentarian struggle is directed against the irresponsibility of the so-called representatives of the people, scoundrels who enjoy immunity and are never required to account for the harm they do. This includes damage to public morality, cronyism, and venality. The most evil result of all is the government, which is dependent on such a parliament.

G.5.c. Our struggle against mammon takes precedence over the others.It is directed against the worldwide financial power, against the unrelenting financial and economic plundering of our nation by finance capital.

This battle is also a mighty spiritual struggle against soul-destroying egotism and greed with its devastating side effects, so evident in our public, economic and cultural life.

Ultimately we are dealing with the struggle between two worldviews as incorporated in two fundamentally different spiritual structures: the primeval spirit of creation / productivity and that of transience / destruction.

The creative spirit, rooted in the earth yet spiritually transcendent, is best represented by Aryan man. The voracious, rootless spirit, concerned only with materialism, and deal making, is incorporated in the jew.

National Socialism, like anti-semitism, identifies the principal root of evil in the spirit of jewish materialism. However we realize that the greatest struggle of world history cannot be limited to negative, anti-semitic demands. For that reason our national economic program goes beyond mere negativism. Accentuating the positive, we provide a picture of how a national socialist state, based on work and achievement, can become reality. When this lofty goal of National Socialism is achieved, the National Socialist Party will dissolve. (Editorial note - according to Marx and Lenin, the communist party would dissolve itself once true communism was achieved.)

National Socialism will then be incorporated into the life of the entire German nation.

The NSDAP is not a parliamentarian party in the usual sense of the word. It is nothing more than the determined, optimistic part of the nation that has gathered around competent leaders of character in order to lead Germany out of international shame and impotence and domestic mortification and decadence. Internationally we are leading Germany to a powerful respectable position. Domestically we are leading Germany to an economically sound commonwealth that will be culturally, intellectually and morally prominent.



In the context of our present pathetic position, every word of our national demand cuts like a whiplash. The "German Reich:" Where is there a German Reich today? Does present day Germany, a wretched colony, have any right to call itself by the glorious name of independent country? No!

A country such as Germany is today, cannot be said to be in possession of sovereign rights, even by the most extravagant political scientist. The five most important sovereign rights of nations are: territorial sovereignty; military sovereignty; financial sovereignty; administrative sovereignty; and, fifthly, judicial sovereignty. Just naming these sovereign rights and comparing them with the present position of Germany, suffices to demonstrate the untenability of the proposition that a sovereign German Reich exists today.

Our territorial sovereignty is a farce... Whenever it pleases France she occupies it without asking questions or encountering opposition. Likewise the Czechs, Poles, Danes can invade Germany any time they desire, without hindrance. The much-maligned old regime judged border transgressions very differently. In former times, military penetration into German territory meant war. In order to maintain territorial sovereignty, the state requires armed forces, which are capable of repulsing attacks on its territory, the lives and health of its citizens. No sovereign state can allow a foreign power to supervise its personnel, weaponry, equipment, bases and so forth. If it does that, it obviously is no longer sovereign. It is no longer in possession of its instruments of power. It has conceded its military sovereignty. This is what Germany has done by subordinating itself to the disarmament and inspection commissions of its enemies. Such was the extent of Germany’s subjugation under the terms of the armistice. We lost our international sovereignty.

A certain domestic sovereignty might still have been maintained, but immediately after the destruction of our military sovereignty came the turn of the international plutocracy which, once given a free hand domestically, completely wrecked German production. To start with, the filthy flood of revolution engulfed Germany, then came the mob of swindlers and usurers, children of chaos, social democratic traitors, and deserters. Jailbirds occupied the highest governmental positions, which they shared with democrats and centrists. Behind and above them all came the jew, the plutocrat with his deal making.

Soon, even freemasons from the so-called national parties came along, in particular brother Stresemann. The last blow was delivered against our economic sovereignty. Sophisticated transactions and the Dawes regulations then robbed Germany of financial sovereignty, which was bestowed on a handful of superrich jews, foreign and domestic. For good measure, the Reichstag forfeited our railroads along with sovereignty over other transportation. Then it gave away vital administrative sovereignty in the areas of taxes and duties, mortgaging and placing them under the control of reparations commissars.

(Editor’s note - as to maritime transport, the Hamburg Amerika Line went to Mr. Harriman, the grandfather of George Bush jr.)

Little is left to be said about sovereignty of our court system. Our occupied areas are under the administration of foreign military courts. The rest of Germany continues under emergency decrees such as the "law for the protection of the republic." Uncertainty about the law, organized robbery of our people by the so-called "evaluation regulations," force our courts to declare the unjust to be legal. Germany has become a colony of slaves.

Germans are repressed. They are thrown into prison and forbidden to speak out, for no other reason than they are true Germans who resist slavery. Yes indeed, we want to have a free German Reich again! And the coming free Reich must be the homeland of the Germans! This coming Germany must be our homeland and not just the machinery of police edict. Not just "the state," not just established authority, not just government and sinecures for twenty-five ruling families, but our homeland.

O homeland, sweet magical word calling from subterranean springs of delight. Love of our homeland, familiar and beautiful, sunny and lovely. The fragrance of the homeland dell rises about us feelings of bliss permeate the wanderer who once again feels underfoot the beloved ground of his homeland, to which he is related through primeval ties of blood. Homeland, our mother who provides for all her children. Every German should feel safe and secure in his Reich, his fatherland, his German Heimat. A sense of security is the essence of the emotion Heimat. From this arises the tender blossom, the love of homeland. There is no greater glory for a nation and its people.

It is more than mere social policy or unemployment insurance. It is more than a housing program, although a home of ones own is a great motivator for cultivating love of Heimat. Heimat is more than the imperial state, which one serves, sometimes willingly and sometimes under duress. Heimat is more than just the government of Reich, state or city. It is more than a food-trough, more than a guarantor of the individual, his property and professional interests.

All these institutions contribute to the concept of Heimat. Just as in a proper family, the concept of "at home" exerts a special magic on the children that is very different from the attitude toward a hotel room or prison cell, so are tender yet powerful emotions associated with the concept of "Heimat." The attitude toward "Heimat" ranks high above the shabby concept of utilitarian organization that is the liberal-democratic, parliamentarian concept of society represented by the word "state." We repeat our basic principle: Germany should be the home of the Germans! Not the homeland of jews, Russians (communists), social democrats who acknowledge no German homeland (Crispien). And not the homeland of countless other aliens who tread our soil for longer or shorter intervals.

We disagree strongly and in principle with the Weimar constitution, which acknowledges merely "German Citizenship." It does not comprehend the concept, "German", in the ethnic or, more significantly, in the racial sense of the word.

Thus are enumerated the theses of our political program, which we will now discuss under the three headings:

(a) International affairs,

(b) Ethnicity, and

(c) Citizenship .


A.1. We demand the creation of an exclusive national state, which includes all the German tribes. Everyone who is of German blood, whether they are living today under Danish, Polish, Czech, Italian or French authority, should be united in a single German Reich.

We are demanding no more and no less than what was demanded for our enemies: the right of self-determination for all Germans, the right of affiliation with their German Heimat. We abandon no German, whether in the Sudetenland, Elsass-Lorraine, Poland, or the successor states to old Austria.

However, our demand is free of all imperialistic tendencies. It is the simple natural demand that every vital ethnic group takes for granted.

A.1.b. Effective representation of German interests in foreign countries is the necessary corollary to point 1.

Often it is the most competent and Viking-like Germans who go out into the world as engineers, explorers, intellectuals, merchants and physicians, they belong to the great family of the German folk, to which they must not be lost.

They have a right to the protection of the homeland. Even in foreign countries, these Germans should be not only cultural emissaries but conscious pioneers of the German spirit on our planet. They should be not only "apostles of all mankind" but bearers of Nordic thought. They should not simply adapt themselves to foreign ways; they should cultivate the higher German qualities. This should be the mission of Germans in foreign countries. It should also be the mission of our official emissaries. Here again, we must sweep out the musty old foreign office with a steel broom.

Stresemann’s and Erzberger’s flirtations with foreign countries must come to an end. Then we will again see that foreign countries respect German interests. Then German needs will be met with consideration and deference rather than kicks and slaps.

A.2. Ethnic policy.

A.2.a. The removal of jews and all non-Germans from responsible positions in public life. For National Socialists, this demand is self-evident and needs no explanation. For someone who has no inkling of racial philosophy, it is impossible to provide an introduction here.

He who sees in the jew nothing more than a "German citizen of the jewish faith," and not an exotic and distinct nation with pronounced parasitic tendencies cannot grasp the urgency of this demand. Whoever confuses a cabbage plant which accidentally fell into a strawberry patch, with a strawberry plant, or who believes he can harvest strawberries if he treats the cabbage with respect, is mistaken, as is the person who thinks that if he raises a lion among a flock of sheep, the lion will behave like a lamb.

A better illustration: a German would not make a good judge in India or China, and a Hottentot would not make a good mayor of a German city. And yet it would not be so bad if an Enver Pascha or Chiang Kaischek would bring order to Germany, as it would be if a jew imposed his racial traits upon us.

It is certain that with the revolution, all ties of governmental order were dissolved. Both domestic jewish bankers and the newly arrived eastern jews enriched themselves massively on the misery of Germany. We all experienced it and saw it with out own eyes. We all suffered the consequences, which began with the destruction of Nordic social order. "But this cunning people sees only one possibility: as long as there is order, there is nothing for them to hope for" (Goethe at the fair in Plundersweilen.)


.A.2.b. Stop the immigration of eastern jews and other parasitic foreigners. Burdensome foreigners and jews can be deported.

During the soaring inflation these Galician and polish jews descended like locusts on the cities of Germany. Despite a severe housing shortage they soon had the best apartments, while the Germans lived in holes. Then they began their dirty dealings they bought up everything: pearls, Persian carpets, diamonds, gold, silver, platinum, war bonds, scrap paper, thousand mark bills, copper, lead, literary works, theatres, even scrap. Soon they were visibly rich, treated like citizens by ordinary Germans.

Under pressure from the National Socialists, the general political commissar in Bavaria, von Kahr, finally undertook to deport these eastern jews. (it was von Kahr who broke his word of honour "for reasons of state" and treacherously drowned, in blood, the German insurrection of 9 November 1923.) Von Kahr finally dared to send his police units to several of the most notorious swindlers.

Then the "established, respectable" jews of the Central Jewish Congress, long-time residents of Germany, intervened on behalf of the Galician mob. They came to the defence of their fellow jews, -- and von Kahr made a cowardly retreat.

Only clear headed, resolute heads of state, guided by ethnic awareness, are capable of acting properly in this situation. Concessions simply cannot be made here. It is necessary to go beyond mere anti-semitic measures. We must cultivate ethnic hygiene generally. We must cultivate the noble goal, the noblest of all, which is to indoctrinate our nation in Nordic thought.

Perhaps this question does not belong in the program of the NSDAP, but we must be aware that in the long run, little can be done with a bastardized German nation. Today we can see that the racial flood has been overcome, at least theoretically, thanks to the great interest, which the subject of ethnicity finds throughout society and to the availability of thoroughly researched literature on the subject. Only relentless work will advance our cause however.

A.3. Citizenship

Regarding citizenship we demand:

A.3.a. Only Germans, who share our German culture and destiny, can exercise the rights of citizenship. Here it is necessary to make some exceptions.

Some people, even though German born, deliberately turn against the German nation state. They take their political orders from foreign countries and they do not share in our German destiny. They should not exercise the rights of citizens, any more than the jews, and we shall have to exclude many of them from the privileges of citizenship. Unscrupulous swindlers, office holding deserters and traitors who still enjoy immunity, will no longer be allowed to exercise the rights of citizenship in our National Socialist State.

A.3.b. Those persons who are not true Germans should be allowed to reside in the German state only as guests. The laws should govern them as resident aliens. This is an important principle. It should put an end to the never-ending courting of foreigners by the present government.

That is not to say that we should not welcome foreigners and treat them courteously as guests, as long as they behave. And yet:

A.3.c. The rights and interests of the Germans should take precedence over those of foreigners. There is no need to demand further details in our program. Details of laws governing alien residents are a question for a later date, as are details of the exclusion of jews from public life.

One cannot demand that a formulation of basic principles would also provide tactical details for the conquest of political power or other specific tasks. I am opposed to dedicating excessive resources to programs. In our titanic struggle, our principal task is the simple and irrevocable definition of our goals. It is not developing elaborate electoral strategies like the bourgeois and socialist parties.


Our guiding principle is that the goal of our national economic policy should be to cover the needs of the people, not to provide the highest possible return on investment capital. To the common sense thinking of the average person it might seem redundant to emphasize something so self-evident and fundamental. For the productive person, farmer, skilled or unskilled worker, or owner of a shop or factory, it lies in his blood so to speak, that everything, which he produces, will be used or consumed. Either he will use it himself or else it will become an item of exchange, for use by others. An economy unrelated to production and consumption seems silly to him - senseless and unreal.

Here we National Socialists confront one of the greatest intellectual problems in our campaign to gain converts. We have to explain to our countryman: "you are correct in your commonsense assumptions regarding the purpose of work and the national economy, but unfortunately, today's so-called economy does not conform to natural conditions." "On closer examination you will discover terrifying circumstances which refute the goals of a normal economy."

After all, what do usurers and swindlers actually do? Do these people, so common in today’s society, even consider filling any kind of need? No!

Are they productively employed, do they create anything? No! They rob and steal and deceive in the usual sense of these words, and they enrich themselves thereby.

What do banks do? They facilitate money exchange and they extend credit. Yes; but the postal service does this faster and more cheaply; and to whom do the banks extend credit?

Do they extend credit to the needy, or to the masses of working people who have no home, so that they can build houses and thus relieve the critical housing shortage? No!

Do they extend credit to farmers, shopkeepers and business people, the producers and distributors of vital goods and services?

Hardly ever, and only when the borrowers offer "security" above and beyond the appropriate obligation to repay the debt, and agree to repay high additional expenses over a prolonged period, which they call "instalments."

Do the banks care whether their customers -- shopkeepers and businesspeople -- are promptly and reliably served, so that our national economic needs are met? - No! They serve only their own selfish profit interest in their percentages, points, related expenses and all the other names they have for extracting money. And what do the banks produce? -- nothing at all! And what do they earn? - immeasurable sums!

And so usurers and swindlers, banks and finance capitalists produce nothing that is useful, yet they extract huge profits from the present capitalistic system. They are the real masters and exploiters of today’s predatory and antisocial economic order

Today, a high return on finance capital is the principal goal of the national economy. Working people have to turn over a large portion of their wages to financiers in the banks and stock exchanges as well as loan sharks and swindlers of every sort.

And what is the function of the phoney contractor, or "bloodsucker" as ordinary working people call him? He attempts to extract the highest possible profits by paying the lowest possible wages and by using the lowest quality materials, by mass production and by charging the highest possible prices.

The contractor is not concerned about the misery of his workers. It is no matter to him if his products must soon be discarded as worthless junk. So much the better, because it means new orders for him, the people are so stupid that they keep on buying junk if it is alluringly advertised. The malignant influence of the department stores. Profit is all that matters to the department store owner. Providing for the needs of the people is nothing more than a ruse, a means to an end. But even so - at least he produces something, provides employment. The real contractor, who is aware of his importance as economic leader, must be judged very differently.

A real contractor must be an ethical person, in the economic sense. His task is, first of all, to recognize the real economic needs of society. Often he accomplishes this pioneering task as inventor. Then he must determine the best and least expensive methods of production. He must produce a flawless product and allow for a continuing supply. He must pay his workers well so that they will be able to consume what the nation produces. He must always be aware of innovation and improvement in shop and factory. If he makes this his guiding principle, he is, in the best sense "serving the needs of the people." His gain comes from the goal of serving actual needs, rather than simply maximizing profit.

The leading and best-known example of this kind of industrial producer is Henry Ford. No less distinguished in this respect are the leading producers in German heavy industry. Such as Krupp, Kirdorf, Thyssen, Abbe, Mannesmann and Siemens, to name a few at random.

However, the nature of such firms changes immediately when they are no longer under the direction of an ethical individual. Ethical management had previously cultivated ethical relationship with its workers, for the sake of the proven mutual advantage, which accrued to both the firm and its employees. Once these firms are depersonalized, "made anonymous," and changed into stockholder corporations with limited liability, such ethical management ceases to exist.

As long as the founder of such a concern, in the capacity of principal stockholder, can oversee the operational procedure, it can still continue. But most often, the imperative of pure profit-greed takes over immediately.

Where improvements in production and working conditions are concerned, the former owners and directors are now dependent upon an overview board, which has no interest in production or workers’ welfare, (other than those of slave drivers.) Their purpose is to insure maximum return on invested capital. These conditions became devastating with the introduction of the industrial proprietary act, which allows that any swindler or speculator can become a major stockholder, or owner of an industrial enterprise without knowing the least thing about it.

What do these stock certificates represent to professional financiers and speculators, other than play money for the stock exchange? These stockholders certainly had no interest in production facilities and workplace. They did not even need to know what was produced, turnover, working conditions, pay or salary of the factories whose proper owners they are, thanks to bundles of stock certificates which they shuffled about in the stock exchange, relating to this or that factory. One must consider all the implications of the matter in order to grasp the rottenness of the system of finance capital.

Today, profitability has become the goal of our entire economy. The department stores - Tietz, Wertheim, and so on, all jews, take a somewhat different approach as I have already shown. Teasing, pretence, bluff, the creation of superfluous "necessities," that is, luxuries, are their stock in trade. Giant stores, palaces of monstrous dimensions, built with every decoration imaginable, invite you to buy useless objects. Seemingly low prices and easy payment plans seduce the consumer into purchasing every imaginable luxury.

Refreshment rooms facilitate long visits to the department store. Thus these department stores are outhouses for wasteful shopping. No once should think he is getting anything for free. The really affluent do not shop in department stores. They know what poor people do not know: that whoever buys "on the cheap" pays more.

Do the customers of these department stores realize that these palaces are built from their hard-earned savings? Does the customer realize that he himself is paying for the escalators, elevators, and magical lighting? If you consider that the huge department store is the ruin of the middle class shopkeeper, that it brutally exploits home workers as well as in house employees, that it produces and distributes mostly cheap junk. Whereas quality items are more expensive than in proper specialty shops, then you will see that our resolute struggle against these stores is justified.

In these huge establishments, we also see a variant of finance capital. It serves no real purpose, yet generates huge profits for its stockholders. In the context of a genuine economy producing needed goods and services, which, we emphasize, has nothing to do with the communistic planned economy, the question of private property naturally takes precedence.

B.1. National Socialism acknowledges and protects private property, provided it is honourably and lawfully acquired.

A fundamental discussion cannot be presented here, but whoever understands the concept of work can have no doubt that the products of labour must accrue to the labourer. The worker cannot conceive that the results of his labour, or equivalent value, should belong to an incomprehensible generality. Neither can he understand that the fruits of his labour should go to one individual capitalist. From this necessarily evolves, within the genuine concept of work, the concept of private property.

After all, we are dealing here with ultimate concepts, as with the concept of Heimat. Heimat becomes real when one stands on his own land, when one's family is surrounded by its own property. One’s own strawberries, potatoes, vegetables, fruit from one’s own garden, simply taste better than commercially prepared meals served in large establishments.

He who does not know this longing for his own property, he who can not enjoy the pleasure of personal ownership, is either a rootless person of the inner city or a rootless capitalist who considers the property of working people as fair game -- someone who understands the financial art of expropriating other peoples property.

When property is acquired by capitalistic theft, there arises an insatiable greed for more property, preferably convertible property. Such behaviour contrasts with that of Nordic man, who is characteristically modest.

Nordic man wants only what he can utilize. That person is not a real worker, who wants to build an ostentatious villa which he himself cannot utilize. Nordic man wants a simple cozy home of his own, but he wants to own it outright. He does not want to rent it, paying three or four times the value of the house in the course of his lifetime.

By contrast: the greedy jew, the capitalist, does not want permanent ties to one place. His highest ideal is a large safe stuffed with stock certificates, bonds, mortgages, and debentures. His goal is wealth -- not wealth in real property, but wealth in mortgaged property of others. He does not labour; and yet he does not rest until he has possession of a certain amount of debenture paper. This allows him to wield the whip of interest over his "debtors" even though they are not really indebted to him. Our program will place limits on this situation.

B.2. Public welfare demands an end to the unlimited accumulation of financial wealth in the hands of individuals. Wealth and possessions are not bad in themselves. On the contrary, a well-administered enterprise benefits everyone involved. Once again it is finance capitalism, which converts the blessing of wealth into the opposite, into the curse of exploitation.

The masses of workers and indebted middle class are being ever more sharply divided from the capitalists. Countless numbers of the lower middle class have been dispossessed as the finance capitalists grow ever more ruthless and powerful. These capitalists have no Heimat. From their modern robber castles, the banks, they rob the population with impunity.

In order to deal with such capitalists, in the National Socialist State:

B.3. All Germans will form a community of work that will promote the general welfare and culture. This community is the political and economic essence of our comprehensive social structure. All endeavours must serve, within an enlightened framework, for the wealth of the entire community.

This will not conflict with personal effort, industry and proficiency. However, individual progress and advancement must not occur at the expense of the rest of the community.

For this reason our next point emphasizes:

B.4. In the context of a general obligation to work, and acknowledging the validity of private property, every German should have control over the fruits of his own labour. With this stipulation we specifically reject planned economic, Marxist and high finance socialization. Our nation should be composed of as many independent enterprises as possible, united in the social principle of service.

To be sure, it is impossible to conduct mines and foundries, heavy industries and shipyards as small enterprises. Nevertheless, 100,000 independent master shoemakers are better for the economy and for political governance of the state than five giant shoe factories would be.

The huge and remote agricultural stations in northern and eastern Germany produce more efficiently as large-scale operations than as individual farmsteads. Farmsteads should be situated in large circles surrounding the cities.

Our next point demands:

B.5. A healthy mix of small, medium sized and large-scale operations in all areas of the economy including agriculture should be maintained.

B.6. Giant operations (factories, syndicates and trusts) must be nationalized. This demand, again, is derived logically from our generalized struggle against the capitalistic idea. Syndicates and trusts serve the primary purpose of combining related enterprises for the purpose of dictating prices. The primary consideration is not to produce better and less expensive goods, but rather to dictate to consumers the quality, amounts and price of goods.

Speculators are particularly fond of rings that are already individually profitable. New undertakings within the industry are often sold off or shut down, at great expense. In this way the capitalist regulates the "supply contingencies" and is soon in a position to control prices. Ostensibly this occurs through the basic law of supply and demand.

Innovations and new inventions are looked upon with disfavour, usually repressed if they represent a threat to the profitability of the old enterprises. Such enterprises, now operated as giant trusts by a bureaucracy, are thus characterized as "ready for socialization." That is to say, the owners have given up all attempts to serve the public. The enterprises are developmentally frozen and they serve no further interest except the capitalist’s greed for profit.

B.7. Usury, racketeering, and reckless self-enrichment at the expense of the people, should be punished with death. Our present legal system specifically protects individual property. Petty theft is punished harshly but major swindlers cannot be prosecuted, since they use capitalistic methods to rob the entire nation. Here we are thinking primarily of those who caused and profited by the inflation.

In all history it was never heard of that an entire industrious nation was robbed on the gigantic scale that German savings were stolen by means of currency manipulation. Bank usury following the stabilisation was worse than highway robbery. More Germans were victimized by the War Societies than by organized robber bands.

We will discuss this in more detail later on when we have found the correct legalistic formulations for this. However, it is clear to everyone that organized betrayal of the entire nation should be prosecuted more vigorously than individual larceny.

IV.B.8. Introduction of a year of public service for every German. This duty to perform public work should be the visible incarnation of the noble concept of service for the common good.

This duty would have an educational effect. In exemplary enterprises, it would introduce to every German our economy in action. Through serious execution of duty, it would demonstrate the benefits of work on behalf of the nation. A specific booklet of this series will deal with this topic in greater detail.


The abolition of interest slavery: The basic points of this extremely important subject have been treated in detail in chapter two. Here we merely enumerate the measures appropriate to bring this about in practice.

C.1. Emancipation of the state and its people from interest slavery to the plutocracy. The state should not incur debt, because it is unnecessary.

The state is not to be compared with an individual in need of credit, who sometimes goes into debt, even though it is a mistake. The state however, is the master of coinage. It can do what the individual cannot: the state can create money. During the inflation, it did this to an insane extent. The state did it also with the Rentenmark also (although with forfeiture of its sovereignty to the so-called Reichs Bank, with the so-called Reichmark. The state could utilize its sovereign right to much better effect, without risking inflation.

However this can take place only after the following:

IV.C.2 The nationalization of the Reichsbank and the various reserve banks.

IV.C.3. The procurement of funds for all large scale public needs such as development of hydraulic power, highways, etc. This must be done while avoiding debt, by issuing interest free government letters of credit; that is to say, by non-cash transactions.

In other words, the hasty printing of paper money without creation of new value means: inflation. We have all experienced it. However this brings up the correct observation that a release of reserve notes will not cause inflation, provided that new value is created. It is nonsense to say that the creation of large, socially significant projects necessarily entails borrowing. This would be the appropriate area for responsible exercise of the power of the state to create money.

It should be clear to everyone that the construction of large hydroelectric power plants could be realized in the following manner: The government submits a proposal for the exploitation of Bavarian, Saxon, etc. waterpower to the proper legislative authority. All economic aspects are considered in great detail.

The legislation approves construction and notifies the finance minister. It then authorizes the appropriate Reichs or State Banks to issue a new series of bank notes with the specific condition that these notes are intended to fully cover construction as it progresses, step by step. In addition, the notes are backed collectively by the full credit of the state and Reich. This way, no one can object about inflationary pressures.

With this supplementary money created on basis of credit approval by the representatives of the nation, the power plant is constructed. The notes, like the others, are legal tender.

When the project is completed, hydrogen or electricity is delivered in the place of this money. In a few years, the notes, which were issued for the project, can be retired. The result is that the nation will have created a new power plant, a powerful new source of revenue. The nation is so much the richer.

Nothing better illustrates the absurdity of the existing finance-capitalistic system than comparison with the present procedure. Today, following credit approval by the Reich or state legislature, no real credit is approved. The only thing approved is that new debt is to be incurred with financial capitalists. Then, financing is accepted.

What the entire nation cannot accomplish with its representatives and referendums can suddenly be accomplished by a handful of capitalists, who graciously grant financing. Financing, naturally, in return for interest payments. Instead of the state’s exercising its supremacy directly in the interest of the people, it promises eternal interest payments, which are greatly in excess of construction costs. At all costs, the loan amount must be used to amortize itself. Thus the state ties a millstone around its own neck. Best of all, the state now prints new paper, that is, issues new obligations, creating supplementary purchasing power.

As far as accounting is concerned, it makes no difference whether the newly constructed power plants result from new paper money, or new "obligations. "But much to the disadvantage of the public, these obligations represent a lien on the new plant for the benefit of the capitalists. And the capitalists, naturally, reserve all rights for themselves, dictate the entire process and expropriate all advantages.

Under the present system, it is finance capital, which is enriched by construction of the new power plant. Capitalists are not interested in repayment of the loan, they want to convert such projects into eternal milk cows for themselves. And the public is required to pay more for electricity and hydrogen. Finance capital has once again placed liens on the property of the nation.

I must end with this short example. My polemical writing especially "The German State" deals with these questions in great detail, they cannot be repeated here.

In conclusion, several booklets in this series will deal with additional examples of new financial methods of our coming State.

C.4. This point demands the introduction of a stable currency. To be sure, we now have one, but exploitation remains as bad as ever.

We National Socialists had already taken measures to put an end to the inflation-swindle, as soon as we achieved power, and to introduce a new currency on a secured basis.

C.5. Creation of a construction and finance bank for the common good. This demand is discussed in detail in booklet No. 8 of the national socialist library, entitled: "The Housing Crisis and the Bank for Social Construction and Finance: relief from homelessness, the economic crisis and unemployment."

It is noteworthy that we made the most progress in other political areas with this financial demand. Already in 1921 I proposed this fundamental demand to the Bavarian ministries, as part of a detailed legal draft. Even then I found widespread understanding, for as long as one used common sense.

But as soon as "experts" (bankers) were consulted, the government dropped the "Feder pipe dream."

Following our successes in the Thuringian elections in February 1924, our colleagues in the Thuringian legislature energetically pursued the formation of a socialist construction and commerce bank for Thurigen. They enjoyed the sympathetic support of the finance minister, von Klüchtzner, as well as the support of the bourgeois parties.

A majority of the legislature authorized the state government to charter such a bank. But then the Reich government, under pressure from the Reichsbank, forbade fulfillment of the popular will.

In the meantime I had submitted to the Reichstag, a proposal for the legal framework of such a bank, to be organized in the individual states. Because of the short legislative session of the Dawes year 1924, the ruling parties shelved it, until dissolution of the legislature in the fall.

A legislative resolution of the so-called parties of the right was submitted in Mecklenburg as well. This proposed the introduction of a socialist bank for construction and commerce. This resolution was frustrated by vacillations of the national Finance Minister once again, under instructions of the Reichsbank, which forbade it.

The basic idea of the construction bank is as simple and pragmatic as our plan for financing large-scale public works, which is described above. A mixed economic entity, the construction and commerce bank, will be granted the right to issue funds for construction (construction-mark notes.) Newly constructed houses will back these notes. These new houses could be built without the burden of huge mortgage liens, which today makes it impossible to construct houses in sufficient numbers. This sublime economic goal could be brought much closer: "For every German, a home of his own. A free people on free soil!" C.6. A complete overhaul of the tax system according to social and national economic principles. Emancipation of the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation and emancipation of the producer from restrictive taxation (tax rationalization and tax abolition.) I am unable to provide further details here. They can be found in a National Socialist booklet, which will be released soon.


"Social policy" is the favourite buzzword of our politicos. It has a sweet sound. It gains instant approval. And it herds the masses of voters into the stalls of this or that bliss-bringing party.

When the various parties promise better pay for public officials, that is called "social policy." Likewise, when the various parties promise to consider the wishes of salaried and wage workers that is said to be social policy. When someone doctors about with the scandalous shortcomings in benefits for impoverished retirees and disabled war veterans, teaching interns or German minorities in foreign countries, that too is called social policy. The whole nation follows along behind these political pied pipers when they tootle on their social-policy flutes.

First of all, it must be made clear that real social policy implies acknowledging the general welfare as the highest good. The present so-called "social policy" is actually "special interest" policy. The politics of special interest is being pursued without consideration for the general welfare. Everything imaginable is being promised, and the promise-makers are fully aware that none of their promises can be kept.

Today Germany is politically, economically and financially impotent. This is internationally obvious in the Dawes Pact and the Young Laws. The present government’s so-called policy of fulfillment demands sacrifice on the part of our population which reduces it to the lowest level of human existence. In such a situation, it is deceitful and ludicrous for the present government to even speak of "social policy"

Today's so-called "social policy" is not really social at all. It is not a policy of pursuing the communal interests of the people. Rather, it is the politics of class hatred, of pitting the elements of society against one another. Within our inadequate geographical confines, Germans are standing on each other’s toes and ruthlessly shoving each other to the ground, while the politicians make promises to one group at the expense of the others. The politicians know perfectly well that even temporary improvements are immediately cancelled by inflation or increased taxation.

Real social policy is characterized by an altogether different intention: the actual will to solve the social crisis. The social crisis concerns all those who are being plundered and denied their basic rights. It concerns the masses of workers who are denied fair wages and their rightful position in society. It concerns those from whom respect and recognition are withheld. It implies class war.

Who would deny that serious damage has been done, that bitter injustice has gnawed its way into our economic life? And yet, the conclusions that Marxism makes with its theories of class war and "expropriating the expropriators," are as false as false can be. These conclusions violate all the meaningful conditions of real social policy. This is because real social policy takes the general welfare as its highest consideration.

To adopt class struggle as a political creed means to preach hate as your basic principle. "Expropriate the expropriators," means raising envy to the level of an economic principle. Marxist "socialization" actually means the destruction of human leadership and the personality factor. It means substituting mass and materialism for the human spirit and for human achievement. We need introduce no further proof of the complete collapse of Marxist theory than the bankruptcy of the communist economic system in Russia. We need only consider the wretched mission of the German revolution of 1918.

Here again I would like to direct the attention of the reader to the fact that Marxist pseudo-socialism concerns everything except communalism and common sense. Marxism is not truly social, not organically oriented. Rather, it is mired in the deepest depths of political backwardness. It is stalled on the philosophical basis of the most crass individualism. It represents the chaotic construction of society with which we became familiar in our section on fundamental principles.

Marxism consists of nothing except a plurality of individuals, connected as such through feelings of hate and envy. Under Marxism, individuals are not connected in any organic or logical way to higher principles. Workers are not bound to the other half of society. It is no wonder the social problem cannot be solved in this way, because the answer of Marxism to the social question can be only hate and exploitation. Likewise, it is no wonder that a viable form of government cannot come about under Marxism. The only possible result of a Marxist "stock market revolt" is a pile of rubble.

Once again National Socialism calls Marxism by its rightful name: "stock market revolt." Marxism is an out-and-out capitalistic deception. It is capitalistic because the culmination of the social chaos of individualistic society, its deadly flower and rotten fruit, are inevitably high finance and monopolism.

The ostensibly anti-capitalistic policies (referring to the so-called social policy of the present government) pretend to be socio-political in nature. Consider its relationship to Marxism and the class politics of the occupational organizations. In reality these policies are necessarily capitalistic. However. In the present government there is no effort to achieve social assimilation, no striving for a systematic and beneficial inclusion of competing classes under a higher concept of national unity. Rather, we are dealing with brutal, egotistical striving of the individual to better his own position at the expense of the rest of society. Capitalism and Marxism are one and the same! They are derived from the same philosophical basis.

We National Socialists are the principal opponents of both capitalism and Marxism. We are separated by a whole world, by entirely different concepts of society. For us, the general welfare of society is the highest good. We reject class dialectic, class struggle and class conceit.

Once again it is evident that our limited number of socio-political demands ignores many issues of the day. We do, however, address the really important problems and tasks of real social policy, which are of concern to all our countrymen.

D.1. A generous extension of old age assistance combined with nationalization of retirement systems. Every German national will be assured a secure pension beginning at a specified age, or adequate benefits in case of permanent disability, that is the solution to the social problem.

It is not so much specific dissatisfaction with wages and salaries, which cause the present social tension. Rather, it is insecurity and worry about one's old age. It is the fear of being thrown into the street in one’s final years. This anxiety drives the different occupational groupings into pseudo-socialistic, Marxist and capitalistic organizations. It incites conflict between workers and employers. This releases the worse instincts of both the workers and employers. The result is hate, distrust and provocation on all sides.

The real and valid goal of the employee gets lost in the struggle for temporary wage increases. The goal of true social policy, an adequate and general provision for one's old age, is never achieved: we note that the state has dealt with the problem of benefits for retired officials. It is an excellent combination of capitalistic pension plan and authentic welfare plan based on individual effort and accomplishment.

The principal goal of the national socialist welfare plan is to make this into the pattern for the general welfare of all industrious Germans.

IV.D.2./D.3. Universal profit sharing: The NSDAP has adopted the demand for profit sharing. This is a purely socialist demand in the best sense of the word. However, it tempts us with the offer of an enticing and dangerous gift from the capitalists.

Participation in profits that result from the work of others is in fact unearned income, which we National Socialists strongly oppose. The demand to share in the profits from one’s own work is such a self-evident demand for social justice that one cannot raise principled objection to it.

The difficulties appear in the execution, that is, in the apportioning of profit. It is true that profit owes its existence to the actual labours of the worker, his industry and skill. However, profit owes its existence also to the inventor, the consultant, the merchant and the operations manager as well as to overall economic conditions. Without doubt, the demand for profit sharing is very important for increasing wealth. Even in the framework of the present profit economy, a portion of the loot, which goes to pure finance capital, could be salvaged for the worker.

This is not the place to discuss the way in which profit sharing will be conducted in the coming National Socialist state. I personally would prefer a general price reduction combined with stabilized wages and salaries, and maintenance of present corporate profit as the better way to achieve the demand of profit sharing, within our overall national production. It might well be that the National Socialist state will be more successful in solving the question of profit sharing than today’s capitalist and Marxist minds can conceive. The demand for profit originates either in greed, in which case it is capitalistic, or else in envy, in which case it is Marxist.

Only in the ideal sense, as conceived by National Socialism, is profit sharing justified. For this reason, the capitalist notion of petty shares must be avoided. Its only purpose is to insure the legitimacy of the stock exchange tycoons. Likewise, the Marxist principle of envy ("everyone the same") brings nothing to anyone. It destroys the element of personality and thus damages the general welfare.

A few examples will make this clear: the shoe factory employees who are entitled to profit sharing do not benefit from a few shares of stock or a few pairs of shoes at wholesale, if they must then pay more for shirts, suits, beer, sausage and bread because there again the tailors, butchers, bakers and brewers have raised their prices to compensate for the expense of profit sharing with their employees. Price reduction is the solution that will allow every citizen to benefit within our overall national production.

It offends the sense of justice of every proper National Socialist that street sweepers, masons, day workers, the army of railroad workers, mail carriers, transport workers, health workers, farm workers, ditch diggers, manual labourers, construction workers, are denied profit sharing. This is for the simple reason that they produce no gain, no added value.

And in agriculture (whereby we must not always think of large-scale operations, but of the millions of small and medium sized farms), bumper harvests or "profitability" occur very rarely. The same is true of heavy industry and mining, in which, under pressure of world competition, the workers realize the least gain of all.

In contrast to these millions of workers in basic areas of employment, for whom it will never be a possibility, profit sharing would give preferential treatment to a relatively few workers who happen to work as travelling salesmen, doormen in casinos and luxury spas, specialty shops, or who happen to work in an optical, chemical or other such concern with a world monopoly position.

If some workers are entitled to the luxury of profits and dividends, should others, the majority who work in the most critical areas, not have access to profit sharing? A showering of options, dividends and Christmas bonus money for loyal and productive employees and officials would seem to be a good thing. These social and political efforts, such as are attempted by D. H. G. and others, need be neither praised nor criticized here. This has become an important competitive practice in our present system. Such gain often depends on capitalist business conditions or the skill of technical or marketing leaders. It is easily lost by minor mistakes or computational errors.

Regardless of how productive the employees may be, they cannot influence the year end gain or loss. Their performance may well qualify them for appropriate rewards, but there is still no economic or moral reason for profit sharing. They would certainly be justified in opposing the idea that they should make up for business losses from their savings. Employees would be correct in refusing to compensate for bad business practice or a lavish lifestyle of the boss. And yet, profit sharing can be justified only when risk and loss are also shared, or when outstanding performance is delivered.

Profit sharing for everyone could take the following form. Why, for example, should the giant chemical dye industry with its almighty monopoly position be a cash cow exclusively for the stockholders of the F. G. Farben industry? Here the national socialist state must see to it that the huge profits of the monopolies are passed on to the public, in the form of generous reductions in the price of their products. As we see, the problem is no longer just a socio-political one. It is closely connected with the present capitalistic social order (the rights of shareholders.)

We wish to illustrate with these examples, that equitable profit sharing requires an effort involving all industries whose profits today go exclusively into the pockets of the finance capitalists.

D.3. Confiscation of all dishonourable profits from war and revolution. To these we add the dishonourable profits made from official "stabilization" and "disinflation" policies. We would also include profits from hoarding and usury. This is a matter of punishment and simple justice, which needs no detailed elaboration.

D.4. With our plan to relieve the housing shortage by means of extensive construction throughout the Reich, our list of social and political demands is complete. Relieving the housing crisis can be accomplished by means of the communal construction plan.

Not much can be said here about the technical and financial aspects, since it is a large and specialized field. Obviously it is the task, which must come first. Even the most capitalistically befuddled heads agree with this. Booklet No.8 of the National Socialist library deals with this question in detail.


In a programmatical introduction such as this, it is not possible to present more than a few general remarks on the subject of cultural policy. We have already done this.

Furthermore, it is a fundamental principle of National Socialists that we do not include religious discussions in our general political formulations. Only those who have expertly mastered the jewish problem are qualified to deal with the insidiousness of their secret teachings in public statements and polemics. The case of the distinguished expert Thomas Fritch shows that not even an acknowledged scholar of the Talmud can escape a long prison sentence. This does not mean we should avoid the subject. On the contrary, it means we have to study the question all the more closely.

The same is true of the numerous stupid and clumsy attacks on Christianity. Remarks such as "Christianity has done nothing but harm" prove only that the person who makes the remark has no tact. It is easy to criticize the political church; and even the most devout Christians condemn the atrocities committed in the name of the cross during the Inquisition and Witch Trials. But one cannot blame the mistakes and perversions of individuals on one of the most powerful institutions of mankind.

For untold millions, the Christian religion has meant hope and spiritual elevation that transported them beyond human suffering to God. The entire culture of the Middle Ages was inspired by the sign of the Cross. The heroic deeds, self sacrifice, fervour and courage of faith all had their roots in Christianity. One must always distinguish between the, spiritual nucleus of Christianity and the distortions of its secular manifestations. Our party as a whole stands on the ground of positive Christianity.

Here we cannot deal with the questions, hopes, and wishes concerning Germany’s quest for a new way to acknowledge God. These are matters that are remote from even such a revolutionary program as ours. Our party declines to identify itself with efforts to resurrect the Wotan cult, as certain political clerics have claimed. It remains to be seen whether such efforts will be successful.

The outcome of our struggle against cultural decadence will be of great significance. We are engaged in struggle against cultural mutilation and poisoning in the fields of art, literature, science, theatre, movies and above all, the press.

Our basic program, the so-called 25 points, covers this struggle in detail. There is no need to discuss it here.


Military forces, electoral reform, trade councils, legal and constitutional reform are all questions of such great significance that we cannot discuss them in a few sentences.

Our guiding principles are all set forth in our program. Analysis, utilization and historical application will be the vital tasks of the coming years. These will lead us to political power but they must find us prepared for the competent assumption of state affairs. Here is a rich field for National Socialist research. Here again, the irresistible greatness of the National Socialist idea will manifest itself.

The real significance of National Socialism lies in the fact that no single area of public life will be unaffected. National Socialism provides, quite simply, a new spiritual basis to which we must adapt our lives.


In order to accentuate the positive aspects of our program, it is helpful to state programmatically what we do not want.

We do not want to regress. We do not want to turn the wheel of history backwards and resurrect defunct dynasties that have destroyed themselves. And we have just as little desire to restore the dethroned elements back to their privileged positions. Officers and governmental officials are no better than any other occupational group. Only in our minds do they serve the entire nation. Clothes and insignia do not make the man - achievement does. By the same token, we do not want preferential treatment and artificial elevation for the artisan class, or a dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a mistake to think that any particular class should be elevated to a position of leadership, simply because it has been repressed in the past. Such efforts lead inevitably to terrible consequences, such as the stock exchange revolt of November 1918.

It was not the repressed masses who benefited, but rather a flood of political swindlers, thieves and fools who took over the political apparatus and economic function. From this promised dictatorship of the proletariat has grown the present...Dictatorship of the "profit-ariat"

A new National Socialist order, which did not have the support of a properly trained and highly disciplined cadre, could not succeed. This cadre must have fully mastered our basic concepts and must be endowed with earnestness, energy and technical expertise.

In our case as well as others, too many people who had only demagogic skills, would elbow their way to the top and exploit the new order for their personal advantage. It is much easier to point out the failings of a disintegrating society than to build a new one.

We do not want to be just another party, which slowly grows in parliament and elsewhere and then accepts a ministerial position or two, only to have its back broken by compromises. In that case our historical role would be played out in the same way as that of the social democrats. The same thing happened to the nationalist parties. They too betrayed their fundamental principles in order to be included in the government.

We do not want ministerial seats and positions merely for the sake of power within the government. We do not covet power for its own sake. We will accept such positions only as intermediate stages toward our great and final goal. Between us and the other parties stands the flaming sword of our philosophical position, which forms an unbridgeable obstacle between us.

On their side is the present state, or "non-state." Formally it is liberal - democratic - parliamentarian. This outward form barely conceals the tyranny of finance capital, at whose feet grovel a swarm of fawning sycophants and agents of jews, political swindlers, parasites and other exploiters of the capitalistic system, with all their lackeys.

On our side is the struggle for emancipation and redemption of the German nation, the quest for a genuine state built on social justice and national independence.


What must the National Socialist know about our program? It was the task of the first booklet of the national socialist library to answer that question.

We have seen one thing over and over again, winding like a red thread through everything else: National Socialism is a world view which stands in sharp contrast to the present world of capitalism with both its Marxist and bourgeois adherents. Our lives consist of struggle in the service of this mighty idea, struggle for a new Germany. And it could not be a real fight if this struggle for our worldview did not have a symbol, a banner.

Can anyone imagine a symbol or banner for something like the "party of economics" which developed from the wretched allegories of the '80's and '90's? Or a banner for bowling and tobacco clubs? Certainly not. And what does the flag of the Streseman party look like? The black (Christian) party misuses the sign of the cross and the red (revolutionary) party misuses the venerable splendour of the imperial Middle Ages.

Before us National Socialists, our assault banners fly snapping in the breeze. Eternally youthful, bright and shining against the sun wheel stands our swastika, symbol of reawakening life. Our eagles and storm-banners all bear this symbol. "We are the army of the swastika! Raise our red banners high, we are clearing the way to freedom for German labour!"

The end